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Democratic National Convention: Revisiting the Kennedy Legacy

Aired August 15, 2000 - 7:00 p.m. ET


BERNARD SHAW, CNN ANCHOR: Last night, the passing of mantle. Tonight, convention delegates revisit a legacy: the Kennedys, now and then.

JUDY WOODRUFF, CNN ANCHOR: But behind the celebrating, Joe Lieberman tries to reassure some African-American delegates: Are their doubts now erased?

ANNOUNCER: Tonight from Los Angeles, the 43rd Democratic National Convention. The party of Jackson and Roosevelt is back in the city that launched the 1960 campaign of John F. Kennedy. For 5,000 conventioneers, the task is tradition: nominating candidates for president and vice president of the United States. But their goal is transition: a transfer of the White House keys won by Johnson, Carter and Clinton to yet another Democratic son of the South.

Now from the Staples Center in Los Angeles, here are CNN's Bernard Shaw, Judy Woodruff and Jeff Greenfield.

SHAW: And welcome. These delegates still talking tonight about what they heard from the speakers last night: the president of the United States and the first lady, and people looking ahead to what's happening on this podium tonight.

WOODRUFF: That's right, Bernie.

Last night, very much was Bill Clinton's night, to a lesser degree, Hillary Rodham Clinton's night. They're still talking. This is a president who knows how to energize these Democrats and certainly these delegates.

But as Bernie said, Jeff, tonight we turn our attention to some other folks in the Democratic Party.

JEFF GREENFIELD, CNN SENIOR ANALYST: It's been one of the great cliches of this convention: that it's not about the past, it's about the future. Well, tonight, actually it is about the past. It's about revisiting a legacy, as Bernie said, a legacy of perhaps the most revered family of the Democratic Party that produced no less than three contenders for the presidency, two or three generations of candidates. And it's also a tribute to a different kind of past, a more liberal, progressive tone that has been superseded by the Clinton-Gore years in the presence of Ted Kennedy, Jesse Jackson and Bill Bradley. WOODRUFF: But of all the Kennedys out there, we will hear tonight from only two of them, the young woman, the woman who is, you might say, the single inheritor of Camelot, Caroline Kennedy Schlossberg, and her uncle, Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy.

SHAW: And Ted Kennedy, of course, has a very robust style for political oratory.

GREENFIELD: Ted Kennedy is a kind of throwback to the days when you were supposed to make the rafters rock, and we'll see if that happens tonight. But as you did mention, Bernie, a lot of what they're about today is what happened yesterday and earlier today when President Clinton symbolically, to use this cliche, passed the torch to his vice president and the man he wants to succeed him, Al Gore. That clearly is the biggest business of this convention

SHAW: And of course, it's part of a rite of political passage. It happened in Michigan.


SHAW (voice-over): President Clinton tried to pass on more than a symbolic torch to Al Gore. He tried to pass on his economic legacy to help Gore get credit for the boom without inheriting the Clinton baggage.

WILLIAM J. CLINTON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: The things that have happened in the last eight years, the good things, are nothing compared to the good things that can happen in the next eight years.

SHAW: To drive home that message, the president and vice president returned to Monroe, Michigan, where they campaigned in 1992. Since then, unemployment there has plunged from nearly 9 percent to just over 2 percent.

Echoing his convention speech last night, Mr. Clinton urged voters to keep the prosperity going by electing Gore.

CLINTON: He is the right person to be the first president of the 21st century, Al Gore!

ALBERT GORE, VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: You know, Bill Clinton worked hard to get this economy right. And I'm pledging to you here today I am not going to let the other side wreck it.

SHAW: Even as Gore stood by the president, and acknowledged his successes, he continued his quest to step out of Mr. Clinton's shadow and be seen as his own man. This picture tells the story, as the Clintons walked off, ceding the spotlight to Gore, the former understudy, preparing for a starring role in Los Angeles.


SHAW: And here in Los Angeles, we go to Wolf Blitzer.

Wolf, the mantle has been passed.

WOLF BLITZER, CNN ANCHOR: You know, Bernie, I couldn't help but notice and recall that exactly two years ago this week President Clinton was probably at the low point in his presidency, certainly the low point in his personal life. That was the week when he was humiliated in front of the entire world, forced to testify, before Ken Starr's grand jury on the Monica Lewinsky matter. What a difference two years makes.

Now, this week, he came here last night, electrified this crowd today. He formally went over and made the symbolic handover to the vice president, Al Gore.

But now Mr. Clinton must do something that is totally out of character. He has to, at least in the coming days and weeks, begin to fade away, because as long as he's out there, it will be very hard for Al Gore to emerge from the -- from the president's shadow. We are told, though, the president is determined to try as best as he can to let Al Gore become Al Gore.

Now, for more on this transition I want to go to my friend and colleague on the floor, Frank Sesno.

FRANK SESNO, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Wolf, thanks a lot. You know, the question as Al Gore and Bill Clinton go forward, how close do they stay and how much does Clinton campaign for Gore?

I'm with Congressman Earl Blumenauer from the state of Oregon, a critical state, a state that Clinton carried both times, close now. Should Bill Clinton be an active part in the Pacific Northwest of Gore's campaign?

REP. EARL BLUMENAUER (D), OREGON: Well, issues that relate to livable communities and the environment, things that the administration is very strong on, it seems to me the vice president is helped if President Clinton is a part of the message of what the administration has done and the role that Al Gore has played it in.

SESNO: Not overshadowed in any way either by personality or by past?

BLUMENAUER: Well, I think it's -- he is a fact. There is probably nobody in the last 15 years who's quite had the personal magnetism of the president. He is going to be an issue as far as the Republicans are concerned, and they are not interested in spotlighting the actual accomplishments and the differences between the two in these areas.

So I think there is very little downside, and I think it's positive for the voters in terms of helping identify those differences.

SESNO: Congressman Earl Blumenauer, thanks very much for the view from the Pacific Northwest.

To John King now. JOHN KING, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, Frank, one of the more interesting things to look at as we explore the dynamic of what is the president's role from here on out, the poll numbers. Many Democrats complain that when the president is out of view -- take the two weeks he was closeted away during the Camp David Middle East peace summit -- in that period they say not only did Governor Bush's polling numbers go up, but support for Republicans in congressional races always went up.

So there is some pressure on the president to be more engaged in the policy debate. In the short term, his aides say and the Gore campaign prefers that he stay in Washington, shape the coming budget battle. But there is pressure from some big state Democratic chairman that the president be more active in the fall campaign. They say he is the best messenger for the Democratic Party even as he passes the baton to his vice president, Al Gore.

Now over to my colleague Jeanne Meserve, standing by in the Pennsylvania delegation.

JEANNE MESERVE, CNN CORRESPONDENT: John, the spotlight now does shine on Al Gore. With a double-digit deficit in the polls, it's hard to exaggerate just how important this convention is to him. These few days in Los Angeles, along with the presidential debates, are the moments when most of the American public will tune in and pay attention and decide whether or not to vote for this man. So this whole convention is built intending to underline his strengths, specifically his stands on the issues, like education and health care and the environment.

It also is designed to shore up his weaknesses, specifically, how the public perceives his personality. In President Clinton's speech last night, in speeches tonight and tomorrow night, you will be hearing a lot about Al Gore the man. There will be stressing his involvement with his family, his role in the Congress, his key role in the administration, his service in Vietnam.

Of course, the pivotal point will be Gore's own speech. Many concede, having heard the president last night, that he will have a hard time matching it.

It would be an overstatement to call this do-or-die time for Al Gore, but it is close.

Now, to Candy Crowley.


You know, somebody else symbolically walked off the national stage yesterday, and that was first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. In New York, what they saw was not a first lady who is leaving the stage, but a candidate for Senate that they hope is coming to a different stage.

But when you talk to some of the delegates out here and ask them about Mrs. Clinton's speech last night, they will say, "Great speech." And I say, "Well, what did you like about it?" And they were hard- pressed to remember.

One delegate said, look, if you took out all of the things about the -- being part of the first family, what you have pretty much is a stock speech.

But in general, what most people felt really was that she was less of a high-profile senator than the warmup act for President Clinton.

So once again, I think what we see here is that in the glare of the stardom of Bill Clinton even his wife is hard-pressed to compete.

Back to you in the booth.

GREENFIELD: Thank you, Candy.

So we had, Bill Schneider, two speeches by two Clintons: one a lame duck, one a candidate. What were they -- what were they up to? Who were they trying to help and how did they do?

WILLIAM SCHNEIDER, CNN SENIOR POLITICAL ANALYST: They were trying to help themselves. Hillary, after all, is running for senator. What are her biggest weaknesses? Where are the voters of New York?

Well, No. 1, carpetbagger. It was a problem for Robert Kennedy when he ran in 1964. In her speech last night, Hillary latched onto Al Gore and Joe Lieberman's coattails, just like RFK with LBJ in 1964.

New York is one of Gore's best states and it has lot of Jewish voters.

New Yorkers are split over whether Hillary has the right experience to be senator. She's never been elected to anything. Her answer: look at all the work I've done on children's issues, on health care. That's experience.

And she has a likability problem. Half of Lazio's voters in New York say they're voting for him because they don't like her. Well, last night, she thanked the people at least seven times in her speech. You know, people like to be thanked.

What's Bill Clinton running for? He is running for his legacy. What are his biggest weaknesses? Where are the voters?

Well, fewer than a quarter say the Clinton administration deserves the most credit for the good economy. The president's answer: This economy was not matter of choice, it was a matter -- or rather, not a matter of chance, it was a matter of choice.

Most Americans say they don't respect the president. His response? No matter what you think of me as a person, you have to respect what I have accomplished. Is Bill Clinton too political? Is the Pope catholic? Voters are looking for someone less driven by politics. That is why the Republicans held such a non-political political convention in Philadelphia. President Clinton tried his best to keep the tone of his speech above politics last night. But the most memorable line was a political masterstroke -- quote -- "Our Republicans friends said they would not be held responsible for our economic policies. I hope the American people take them at their word." Wow.

SHAW: Bill Schneider.

And if you are just settling in, to follow CNN's coverage of this convention tonight, here now a look at the schedule.

Here is a look at the second evening of the Democratic National Convention, Tuesday, August 15th. The session opens at 8:00 Eastern, 5:00 Los Angeles time. Later in the hour, a tribute to caregivers and their role in one teenager's triumph. Missy Jenkins was wounded and paralyzed during a shooting at her high school in Paducah, Kentucky.


UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Melissa Joyce Jenkins.


SHAW: Thanks to her doctor, and her family, Missy Jenkins was able to walk across the stage to receive her high school diploma. Later in the hour, the Reverend Jesse Jackson will speak. In the 9:00 hour, Eastern time, panels will again assemble for American Dialogues, the nightly talk sessions in which everyday people convey party themes and priorities.

Tonight's theme will be the future, and how a Gore-Lieberman administration would build on the economic boom of the past eight years. In the 10:00 hour, 7:00 local, familiar names and faces of the Democratic Party. Caroline Kennedy, the daughter of the slain president, will speak, followed by her uncle, Senator Ted Kennedy. Then, former Gore challenger Bill Bradley will address the convention. The keynote will be delivered by Tennessee Democrat Harold Ford Jr., the first African-American to succeed his father in Congress.

Ford will deliver the final speech of this second night of the convention, Tuesday, August 15th.

WOODRUFF: And we'll take a break now. When we come back, an update on the fate of that Russian submarine lying at the bottom of Barents Sea. And we'll be back here at the convention center to be joined by two of the sons of Senator Robert Kennedy.


WOODRUFF: As we keep a close watch on this convention underway in Los Angeles, we want to travel far, almost to other side of the Earth, to a place in Kirkenes called Kirkenes, Norway, where CNN's Walter Rodgers will bring us up to date on efforts to rescue the submariners on that Russian craft lying at the bottom of the Barents Sea -- Walter.


At this hour, the rescue effort to bring some of the sailors back to the surface from the Kursk which now rests on the floor of the Barents Sea looks increasingly desperate. For two days, the Russians have had a dozen warships hovering above and around the crippled Kursk on the ocean floor. They have been, obviously, helpless to render any assistance at all.

The storms which hit this area on Monday have abated. That gave the Russians a window of opportunity to send down a submersible vessel on Tuesday, a rescue vessel. That raised hopes that perhaps there was a chance of getting at least some of the crew of the Kursk out alive. The problem was that when the submersible vessel went down to try to rescue the crew, they discovered that the hull of the Russian submarine was at a 60-degree angle. It was totally incompatible with the configuration of the rescue vessel itself. And so it failed.

These rescue efforts are continuing through the night here. But CNN has learned that the Russians now consider the situation so desperate that they sent a representative to NATO headquarters in Brussels to ask if there was any NATO country who might have a solution to the problem. It was a not a formal request for assistance. Rather, it was an inquiry to the effect that: If we, the Russians, were to ask for assistance, what would you be able to do for us?

Generally, the situation is, as I said, viewed to be extremely desperate. The oxygen supply aboard the Kursk has to be minimal at this hour. And more storms are forecast for the area within the coming 24 hours -- Judy.

WOODRUFF: CNN's Walter Rodgers reporting from Kirkenes in Norway.

Now back to this Democratic Convention in Los Angeles California -- Jeff Greenfield.

GREENFIELD: Thank you, Judy. At the podium, Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, lieutenant governor of Maryland and a likely candidate for governor, is speaking. Earlier today, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. spoke. Later tonight, Ted Kennedy will speak. And perhaps the highlight of the evening among these Kennedys is a rare public appearance by one of the most private of all the Kennedys.

Caroline Kennedy spent much of her childhood in the public spotlight, and most of her adult years shunning it. She emerges only occasionally from a life that is remarkably ordinary: the mother of three children, the wife of an interactive media designer Edwin Schlossberg. When she does step into the public spotlight, it is usually in connection with the Kennedy Library. She gives out its annual award for political courage. This year's winner was, ironically, President Bush.

She has also co-authored two books. The second, published five years ago, was entitled "A Right to Privacy." That is an issue she has struggled with all her life. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

CAROLINE KENNEDY SCHLOSSBERG: Although I grew up in the public eye, and a lot of my life was certainly very well-known to many people, there are many more parts of it that are private.


GREENFIELD: Something she hasn't been able to do entirely in private is to grieve. Her most tragic moments have been shared with the world: the assassination of her father when she was just days way from her sixth birthday; the death of her mother in 1994; and last year's plane crash that killed her brother, John F. Kennedy Jr. At 42, Caroline Kennedy is the last surviving Kennedy of Camelot.

Joining me now, two sons of the late Senator Robert Kennedy, Maxwell Taylor Kennedy, who is managing Uncle Ted's campaign for the Senate, is also head of the Watershed Institute at Boston College, an environmental group. Roberts F. Kennedy Jr., who is the president of River Keepers and who has devoted years of his life to saving the Hudson River.

Thank you for joining us. I should say in the interest of full disclosure, for a year, in 1967 and '68, I worked for your father.

Where did this environmental passion come from? The two of you devoted your time to this more than, say, elective office?

MAXWELL KENNEDY, WATERSHED INSTITUTE: Mine came from my brother Bobby. So he should answer where his came from.

ROBERT KENNEDY JR., PRESIDENT, RIVER KEEPERS: I feel like I was born with it. I was interested in wildlife from when I was little. But it was certainly something that, as you know, was fostered by my father. He took us to all the most beautiful parks and mountain ranges in the country, every vacation. We went Whitewater rafting on the Snake or the Salmon or the Yamp (ph) or the Green. And he really felt it was part of America's heritage.

To me, it's the most important political issue, because environmental issues are intertwined with every other issue, really. Probably the primary role of government is to make sure that citizens have access to two things: One is justice, and the other is the goods of the land, the commonwealth, the air that we breathe, the water that we drink, those things, the riches that really are common to all the people.

And really, most of government, if you ultimately analyze it, is a struggle for control of those resources. They're supposed to be owned by the public, but you have big shots who are coming in and trying to liquidate them for cash and then turn them into profit.

And that's really one of the primary issues that I see this election is about.

GREENFIELD: Speaking of "big shots," a lot of the sponsorship of this convention is by big shots, large, multinational corporations. Troubled -- does that trouble you?

ROBERT KENNEDY JR.: Absolutely. I think the amount of money in politics has distorted politics, and I think it's almost impossible for a politician in either party to escape the influence, to escape really selling themselves and their positions. And it's muted also, the distinction between the two parties.

And that's one of the reasons, I think, it's so important for Democrats to triumph in this convention, because Al Gore has said that he is going to have radical reform. The first bill that he is going to pass is going to be radical legislation to get soft money out of politics. George Bush, on the other hand, has said that -- that he is content with the status quo and that he's going to fight to continue to make sure that the big shots have access to the politicians.

GREENFIELD: Max, so you spend your time in environmental work and like -- but yet like many of your forbearers you wound up managing a campaign of your relative. Is this one of those situations where the political instinct is simply unavoidable?

MAX KENNEDY: Well, perhaps, but for me it was really an opportunity to spend a year with my uncle, Senator Kennedy, which is just an amazing opportunity and one I couldn't pass at. And (UNINTELLIGIBLE) grateful for...

GREENFIELD: It just reminds me of a line from a wholly different line of work in "Godfather III" where Pacino says, "Every time I think I'm out, they bring me back in."


ROBERT KENNEDY JR.: We don't like that comparison. You're going to get your knees broken if you...


GREENFIELD: What I'm reaching for here is the notion that there is a -- there is a call into the political arena that we are now, if you count your great grandfather, who was active in Boston politics, this is four generations.

Do you -- do you mean to resist it as a way of life or do you think it's something for both of you that you'll some day seriously consider?

MAX KENNEDY: I think that -- that there's a call in every family and every family to do what your father has done. But the fact of the matter is there is many, many more people in my family who are not involved in politics in any way, and they're all contributing to society in different ways. And that's really the important message that was left to me, and to my brothers and sisters from my father.

GREENFIELD: And lastly, you have -- there's an in-law of the Kennedys who may be running for governor of New York in 2002, Mr. Cuomo.

ROBERT KENNEDY JR.: Right, and my sister is almost certainly running for governor of Maryland.

I -- the last time I was at a convention in Los Angeles I was 6 years old. It was the first time that I stayed up all night. It was probably the most exciting night of my life. And there was a lot of family members there. I think there's actually more family members at this convention today, and there's the same feeling of excitement about the leadership that this party has given to America over the past eight years and the prospect, the exciting prospect, that we may be able to continue to offer that kind of leadership.

GREENFIELD: Robert Kennedy, Maxwell Taylor Kennedy, thank you.

Bernie Shaw, to you.

SHAW: Yes, Jeff, here I am.

Joseph Lieberman, he's on the ticket, but some delegates in this hall and within the Democratic Party want to know is he onboard with affirmative action. We're going to explore that when we come back.



NARRATOR: The 1844 Democratic convention in Baltimore brought a brand-new news media. Samuel Morris had just extended his experimental telegraph line from Washington to Baltimore a few days earlier.

Former President Martin Van Buren was the early favorite, but James Polk finely got the nomination on the ninth ballot. Within 20 minutes, Democratic congressman in Washington telegraphed their congratulations.

The next day, Senator Sylus Wright (ph) of New York got a telegram informing him he was the vice presidential nominee and immediately sent one back to say no. After delegates, distrustful of the new device, went to Washington to verify that in person, George Dallas got the No. 2 nomination and Henry Polk got the job.


SHAW: Lieberman and Gore: They differ on issues. Today, half of that team arrived in Los Angeles and went before an important group of African-Americans.

John King has the story.


AUDIENCE: We want Joe! We want Joe! We want Joe!

KING (voice-over): It was the portrait of Democratic unity: just the image the Gore-Lieberman campaign was looking for. Lieberman came to the Democratic National Committee's black caucus to clear up confusion over his views on affirmative action. SEN. JOSEPH LIEBERMAN (D-CT), VICE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: I have supported affirmative action, I do support affirmative action, and I will support affirmative action.


KING: It was enough to win over one of those who had been raising questions about whether blacks should enthusiastically back the Democratic ticket.

REP. MAXINE WATERS (D), CALIFORNIA: I think he did a good job in saying exactly where he stands on the issues.

KING: Lieberman's addition to the ticket has been enthusiastically applauded by most Democrats. But some of his positions are at odds with the views of African-Americans, labor unions, and other core Democratic constituencies.

He spoke favorably of California's proposition 209, a 1996 ballot initiative that banned state-funded affirmative action programs, says racial quotas are not the way to achieve equal opportunity, and supported an experiment allowing tax dollars to be used for private school vouchers.

Lieberman called the controversy over his views on proposition 209 a mixup of his own making.

LIEBERMAN: And you know life teaches us lessons.

KING: He said he he hadn't read the actual language when a reporter asked his views, so the reporter read it to him.

LIEBERMAN: Here's where I should have stopped again. I said, well, you know, that sounds to me like a basic statement of human rights policy.

KING: But back in March 1995, Lieberman's remarks went beyond that.

LIEBERMAN: I think the idea of quotas and most forms of affirmative action have run their course.

KING: He called preference policies based on race and sex -- quote -- "patently unfair," and when asked about prop 209 said -- quote -- "I can't see how I would be opposed to it, because it basically is a statement of American values."

Whether a closer examination of Lieberman's views raises additional questions remains to be seen. On this day, he appeared to have quieted the storm.

ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON (D), D.C. DELEGATE: If you with me most the time, you my man. You the man. You the man.

(END VIDEOTAPE) KING: Now I speak short time ago to a leading black Democratic Party official. This official said there is no question about Senator Lieberman's commitment to civil rights. Still some questions, though, about his views on affirmative action. Most importantly, this official said, was Vice President Gore's position, which is strong support for affirmative action, but when shown some other statements Senator Lieberman had made, the official said that his reaction today, his explanation today, was -- quote -- "Clintonesque," and it was not meant as a compliment.

Now for more on this, we go to Frank Sesno.

SESNO: John, You said that the vice presidential candidate, soon to be nominee, waded into the storm to quell storm.

I'm here with Transportation Secretary Rodney Slater. You were at that meeting today, by Joe Lieberman's side. What was dynamic in there? And more to point, is this the end of this? Or are more issues likely to surface that will concern African-Americans?

RODNEY SLATER, U.S. TRANSPORTATION SECRETARY: Well, I think this is the end of it. I think, clearly, important issues were raised. Senator Lieberman came forward and talked about them, very frankly, and I think the audience responded to him very, very well. But it was good discussion, and that's what a Democracy is all about, that's what a convention is all about.

SESNO: Is Lieberman and company going to have to continue special outreach efforts with African-Americans and others to make sure that this sort of thing doesn't happen again?

SLATER: I wouldn't say so. Clearly, we know that this ticket is committed to fiscal discipline, investing in strategic ways to continue to strengthen the American people, to continue to reach out to groups that have not fully benefited from the prosperity that this Clinton-Gore administration has come to be known for. That's the kind of leadership that African-American, Hispanics, and others want to see, and that's the kind of leadership that Senator Lieberman spoke to this morning, and that's what Vice President Gore will talk about when he talks about his vision for America on Thursday night.

SESNO: Rodney Slater, transportation secretary, at that meeting, thanks very much.

Over to Jeanne Meserve now.

JEANNE MESERVE, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Congressman Alan Voight is with me. He's from Florida's Second District.

Congressman, as I understand it, you see the president affirmative action system as having some flaws.

REP. ALLEN BOYD JR. (D), FLORIDA: Well, I do. I think most all of us, Jeanne, who grew up in the south, in my generation, and certainly most all Americans. know full well the reason why we had to put into place affirmative action programs, to give all people equal opportunities.

MESERVE: Well, what was the problem?

BOYD: I think there are some flaws with the current system, and I think what you with see with the current system is that, particularly on the contracting side, it's been used to make certain people rich, rather than to uplift folks, which was the original purpose of the program.

MESERVE: Do you think those problems will be addressed now that you have seen Senator Lieberman go and have a meeting with the Black Caucus?

BOYD: Well, I think having Senator Lieberman there is a very positive step in that direction. I think Senator Lieberman will be very well received, and -- by those type of folks, who have some concerns about it.

MESERVE: But do you think they tried to move him on the issue?

BOYD: With the Congressional Black Causes? Well, I think, there is a dialogue that has to start. Certainly, they have to have their input into how we reform system to make it better.

MESERVE: Alan Boyd, thanks so much. Now back to Bernie up in the booth.

SHAW: And thank you, Gene.

Bill Schneider has been checking attitudes outside this hall.

Bill, a basic question: Gore, Lieberman -- is this ticket a comfortable fit for African-Americans?

SCHNEIDER: Well, Bernie, as you know, this is the most conservative Democratic ticket in at least 50 years. how it will play with African-Americans? Where are the voters? The number of African- Americans who say the Democratic Party is doing a good job of representing black interests soared under Bill Clinton. That's not this graphic, but we'll show you in a minute. Blacks love Bill Clinton. Why? Not because of his centrist policies; it's really personal. Renowned author Toni Morrison once called Clinton the "nation's first black president."

This ticket is a big test for black voters. Will they buy Clintonism without Bill Clinton? Where are the voters? Well, we just saw that a second ago. Older blacks were solidly for Gore. But among younger blacks, support drops to less than what you see here -- less than 60 percent. Al Gore's father was hero to the Civil Rights movement. But what really sells Gore to blacks is something more recent, and it's very simple: He's Bill Clinton's man. When it comes to rallying the African-American community to Al Gore, Clinton's role will be absolutely indispensable.

SHAW: All right -- Judy.

WOODRUFF: All right, Bill Schneider.

From money to -- or rather from African-American and Joe Lieberman issues to money.

When we come back, we're going to look at the care and feeding of a big giving delegate. And we leave you with pictures of North Carolina Senator John Edwards, who was a finalist in Al Gore's vice presidential search.



UNIDENTIFIED CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): Delegates to the 1860 Democratic convention, that began in Charleston, South Carolina, needed three months and two cities to hammer out a platform and a ticket. Slavery, and whether the Congress or the courts could outlaw it, split the delegations. In a forerunner to the Civil War, most of the Southerners walked out, to hold their own convention and nominate Vice President John Breckinridge as their candidate.

After a six-week break, the rest of the Democrats resumed their convention in Baltimore, where they finally made Stephen Douglas their presidential nominee.

He and Breckinridge would split the Democratic vote. Republican Abraham Lincoln would win and soon preside over a split nation.


WOODRUFF: Well, that was then, and this is now. It has been said that Los Angeles is the "city of the big ego." Well, if that's the case, this week, it's getting even bigger, swollen by the hundreds with plenty of big-money contributors. And just like the movie stars around here, some require pampering.

Brooks Jackson on the care and feeding of a donor, L.A. style.


BROOKS JACKSON, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): The Democratic Party wants to take very good care of Nancy Zirkin. She's a big donor and even bigger fund-raiser.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I've got you down for two tickets for tomorrow's brunch.


UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Two tickets for the Armani reception.

ZIRKIN: Correct.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: And that is a guest list event.

JACKSON: The Democrats invite her to exclusive parties, shopping and schmoozing at Giorgio Armani on Rodeo Drive. She's personally given $75,000 to the Democratic Party in the last 2 1/2 years, and nearly $50,000 more to Democratic candidates and causes, and she's raised much more than that from others.

ZIRKIN: There are lots of folks who enjoy shopping, and it was a lot of fun.

JACKSON: Then off to Spago Restaurant for more red carpet treatment.

Parties treat their wealthy donors almost like movie stars, and Democrats have plenty of them -- more and more as the economic boom creates new millionaires daily. And the party coddles them, or tries at least. The fire department had to shut the doors to this event.

UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: It's so crowded. It's so crowded in there.

JACKSON: In both parties, there are lots of big donors who are business lobbyists, seeking favors, tax breaks, contracts, easier regulation. But here's where Zirkin feels most at home.

ZIRKIN: Hi. Good to see you. How are you?

JACKSON: With fellow liberals, groups like People for the American Way.

ZIRKIN: Absolutely. This is my community. These people fight for all the same issues that I fight for every single day -- civil rights, education, reproductive health.

JACKSON: She's one of Al Gore's biggest fund-raisers, and much appreciated.

CINDY WALL, GORE 2000: What Nancy brings best of all, best of all, is her passion, and it's completely infectious.

JACKSON: On the convention floor, Senator Jack Reed expresses the thanks of a grateful party.

SEN. JACK REED (D), RHODE ISLAND: In addition to this great political support, also the financial support of getting out there and raising the resources.

JACKSON: But despite the gratitude, the access, the coddling, Zirkin, for one, would like to see an end to it all.

ZIRKIN: I think it is offensive how much money is being spent, and just the ways in which it is being spent, and it's both sides.

JACKSON: And besides, all those fancy-looking parties, she's seen better.

ZIRKIN: These parties are fine, but they're not that great -- not any better than any other party that any of us all often go to. Things always look better on the outside than on the inside.

JACKSON: From the outside, Brooks Jackson, CNN, following the money, in Los Angeles.


SHAW: A convention without Mary Matalin and Mike McCurry? Not a chance. We'll hear from them when we come back.


SHAW: Mary Matalin, Mike McCurry join us here.

Liberals have a spotlight on them tonight. Is that good for this ticket, Mary?

MARY MATALIN, CNN POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, this is amazing, the three right here on this stage, live, tonight, in one room, the three most liberal men who have ever run for president. Only 6 percent of Americans identify with that kind of liberalism. In fact, twice as many people call themselves conservatives as do liberals. But more than that, Mike -- and you know this -- this is about defining Al Gore, and it's a very discordant message. You walk up to the convention with centrist Lieberman. The first night all about Bill Clinton, and the third night, or the third presentation of Al Gore, is the liberalism that has been repudiated not only by America, but your own party, very discordant.

MIKE MCCURRY, CNN POLITICAL ANALYST: Look, I think you got it right -- the first night about Bill Clinton, and one of his legacies to this party is that we're all New Democrats now. You know, in the past, at these Democratic conventions, the fights between the liberal wing of the party and those who are more moderate, the centrist, particularly the Southerners, dominated the news here.

And I think everybody has now accommodated the new centrist agenda that Bill Clinton laid in place in 1992 and '96. That's where the party is now, and what we an do is bring the liberal wing of the party into the convention, let them talk about the issues that are important, because we are no less concerned and compassionate about the concerns of minorities, African-Americans, gays and lesbians, all of which have been raised during the course of the platform presentation here today at convention. And you know what? Everyone will feel better about the party and feel better about the fact we have one of the most conservative tickets in history of the Democratic Party -- modern Democratic Party -- running now.

So I think in a way, this is really setting up what a convention has to do for Al Gore, really solidify the base, allow, you know, the nominee himself to reach out and bring more people in.

MATALIN: Mike, if the party is so happy, why are they still so divided? A third of the base wishes they had another nominee. Maxine Waters, a leader of the Democratic Black Caucus, said she is not going to support this ticket. Bush is getting a third of the union members. He's women. He's getting independents. The Clinton electoral coalition is falling apart.

MCCURRY: Because, Mary, we are passionate about these issues that we fight for. That Philadelphia convention was so bloodlessly antiseptic, there was no real sense of passion about the issues people are fighting for. We do fight for this, but at the end, they're going to come together, they're going to rally behind Al Gore. I think one of the things that Bill Clinton's speech did last night was really lay down the predicate that this party has changed, that we are -- changed this country around, and now Al Gore has to come here, claim it, and bring it all together -- bring these wings of the party together.

Look, the rank and file of the Democratic Party, which is more liberal than the country as a whole, is going to feel much better tonight after we go to these presentations.

MATALIN: Here's what Bill Clinton's speech did last night. Out of 24 paragraphs, six of them were about Gore. It was supposed to be handing off. It was all about Bill. He said in the end, remember me, when you think of me, and he set up a juxtaposition with his heir apparent which will make or pale in comparison. Furthermore, George Stephanopoulos. your old colleague, your old White House buddy...

MCCURRY: What did he say now?

MATALIN: He said today, it was the most contentious, and -- I don't want to quote him directly -- it was the most partisan convention speech he heard Clinton give, which feeds into George W. Bush's message, which is, we're tired of this, we're tired of this negative tone, let's change the tone, let's stop the bickering.

MCCURRY: In fairness, Mary, after that convention, he had the right to respond to some of those things said about him in Philadelphia, so the fact that he got the record straight -- just the facts, ma'am -- I thought that was very effective.

GREENFIELD: Thank you folks, but not so fast.

Here, last night, we gave a quiz I think Ding-Dong School would have found a little easy, so we ratcheted it up just a bit, and we're going to have my colleagues play, too -- unless they don't know the answer, in which case we won't ask them.


WOODRUFF: That's right, Jeff.

GREENFIELD: We're working up to this.

First, who was Hubert Humphrey's running mate in 1968, we asked? Was it Morris Udall, Edmund Muskie, Henry Jackson, Eugene McCarthy?

The answer? Anybody?

MCCURRY: Muskie of course.

GREENFIELD: I told you it was easy one. Edmund Muskie of Maine.

Now watch this one. This is a trick one, I'm telling you right away. Who won the 1968 New Hampshire Democratic presidential primary? Was it Eugene McCarthy, Robert Kennedy, Edmund Muskie or Lyndon Johnson.

MCCURRY: Redefine that winning primaries by beating expect as is...

GREENFIELD: Wait a second -- Bernie, Judy.

SHAW: McCarthy.

MCCURRY: McCarthy beat expectations, but actually Lyndon Johnson won the primary very, very narrowly.

GREENFIELD: that is correct. He not only won it, he won it on a write-in vote. But because McCarthy got 42 percent of the vote, it was an expectation-beater and it helped drive Johnson from the race. Very big points to you, McCurry. We'll talk to the co-anchors later.

And third -- this is another trick one, tricky -- Who's presidential landslide victory earned a highest -- actually the highest share of the electoral college vote -- share? Ronald Reagan in 1984? Richard Nixon in 1972? Lyndon Johnson in 1964? Franklin Roosevelt, 1932.

WOODRUFF: I say Ronald Reagan in '84.

MCCURRY: I would say Reagan, too.

GREENFIELD: Not only are you all wrong, so is the question. The actual answer is...

WOODRUFF: Only Greenfield could do this.

GREENFIELD: ... is Franklin Roosevelt in 1936. My cards said '32. This is the year that Alfred Ralph Landon carried only Maine and Vermont. And that wraps it up.

These were hard.

MATALIN: No, no, no, Jeff, that doesn't wrap it up.

MCCURRY: We decided smarty pants over there deserves a little revenge.

MATALIN: We're calling this M&M's revenge, Jeffy.

GREENFIELD: Oh my God. Let me read it.

MATALIN: Bill Clinton received every delegates vote at the 1996 Democratic convention. Not counting nominations by acclimation, the last Democrat who won a unanimous first-ballot victory was:

MCCURRY: Grover Cleveland in 1988, or William Jennings Bryan in 1900, Franklin Roosevelt in 1936, Woodrow Wilson 1916.

All right, Greenfield, you're on the hot seat.

GREENFIELD: Just a second here. You know, I'm going to take a wild stab, I think it may have been...

MCCURRY: We wanted to give you the extra credit question, Jeff.

MATALIN: No life line, no calling friends.

GREENFIELD: OK, I think it may have been Grover Cleveland in 1888.

MATALIN: Do you want a hint?


MATALIN: Oh, there you go.

GREENFIELD: Bryan in 1900.


GREENFIELD: ... loser, but not that.

MCCURRY: You have a cross to bear.

GREENFIELD: All right, what are you going to do?

MCCURRY: And it's a gold one.


GREENFIELD: Could I get an extra point by


WOODRUFF: OK. All right. All right. We have got to bring this thing -- we have got to call a halt to this thing. But it's so good, we'll continue this tomorrow night.

GREENFIELD: Absolutely.

WOODRUFF: Now, this won't be the same as doing this live with all of our friends here, but you can test your political I.Q. everyday during the political -- during this convention. Six new questions will be posted everyday on our Web site: And you can tune in at noon and at 7:00 Eastern every day to get the answers on TV.

And when we come back, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development, Andrew Cuomo.


WOODRUFF: The convention hall is dark here in Los Angeles, as delegates watch on the large screen there a tribute to America's all- important and underappreciated caregivers.

Joining us now in our skybox over the convention floor, the secretary of housing and urban development, HUD. Andrew Cuomo, thank you very much for being here.


WOODRUFF: You have served in Bill Clinton's administration. He exits. What is the Democratic Party without Bill Clinton? This is liberal night, supposedly, at the convention. What is this party without him?

CUOMO: Well, I think the legacy that he's left, his accomplishments, are going to guide the party for some time. Listening to the president last night, I think he laid that out. He has brought this Democratic Party to a new place, a better place than it's been to in years. It's a winning party now. He has brought this country roaring back with his great economic success. And now you will see Gore take it to the next level.

But there's no doubt that he has built a powerful foundation for us to then build the Democratic Party on.

WOODRUFF: Is it hard for the Democratic Party to feel steady on its feet without Bill Clinton as its leader?

CUOMO: I don't think so, Judy. I think what he has done will survive his tenure and then some. The economy and the economic progress and the economic success is inarguable. Democrats have to win to keep it going, to make sure we keep it going. But that legacy and the Democrats is now the party of fiscal responsibility and economic success, not the Republican Party. That's something. And then the vision, the hopefulness, the boldness to then go from this point forward, saying that this is a moment in history.

It's reminiscent of JFK and speaking to our better angels. Those are powerful lessons. And they'll stay with us.

SHAW: I want to take you back to a very memorable moment in Democratic Party history: Moscone Center, San Francisco, 1984...


SHAW: ... your dad with a rousing keynote speech. Tonight, Harold Ford Jr. from Tennessee, young African-American, what kind of speech should he give? What themes should he be touching? What is he feeling, what kinds of pressure?

CUOMO: Well, this is stepping into the batter's box with all the lights on. It's the bottom of the ninth. The keynote speech, there's great expectations. There have been some great speeches in the past. Mario Cuomo gave one of them. So he -- my heart is with him today. It's a very tough position be to in. On the other hand, he has got a great case.

You know, it's easy to make a -- it's easier to make a good case when you have the facts with you. And he has the facts with him. You have a tremendous record of accomplishment and a tremendous vision for the future. And I think the keynote will be playing on both of them, more on the future and Al Gore and where do we go from here, that you ain't seen nothing yet. We can do more with this country, do more with this party. But it's a tough position to be in.

GREENFIELD: Your dad also was considered a traditional Democrat, a New Deal Democrat if you want. And he was very kind of proud of that. Now, this is a different Democratic Party. Bill Schneider has described the ticket as the most conservative in half a century -- welfare reform, pro death penalty, redistributed politics, no -- a kind of let's get a lot of money from the biggest corporations.

Is there any sense you have that this is literally not your father's Democratic Party?

CUOMO: It's not my father's Democratic Party in some ways. But then, this is a different time also, Jeff. I don't think the goals of the Democratic Party have changed. I think if you go back in time and you read the great speeches, you will see the articulation of the goals of the Democratic Party: opportunity for all, making sure the ladder of opportunity works for everyone, and whatever it takes to get: education, health care, etcetera.

I think what you see in this Democratic Party is the reflection that this is a different time. This is a new millennium. There are new technologies. There are different demographics than they were in the past. So you take those -- the same goals, the traditional goals, you run them through the modern-day means, and you come out in a somewhat different place. And I think that's what the new Democratic Party is all about. But you don't abandon the goals.

You see, once we abandon the goals, then we're the Republican Party.

WOODRUFF: You keep a close ear to the ground in the state of New York. It's said that you are going to run for governor there next go- around. And we'd be happy for you to confirm that for us tonight, Andrew Cuomo.

CUOMO: Well, thank you for the offer.

WOODRUFF: If you'd like, we're leaving you time to do that.

CUOMO: Well -- thank you.

WOODRUFF: But my question has to do with Hillary Rodham Clinton and her remarks last night. Did she help herself? How tough a fight does she have on her hands between now and November 7th in New York?

CUOMO: She has a tough fight. New York is a very tough place. The politics are very complicated. They work on many levels. And New Yorkers make you prove yourself first. And I think that's what they're doing with Hillary. She came into the state, and they're laying back, they're reserving judgment. And they're saying we're going to watch and we're going to see and we're going to test and we're going to probe.

I think when the day is done, and they look at Hillary Clinton and her opponent, Hillary Clinton wins, because Hillary Clinton is clearly the candidate of more quality. And New Yorkers appreciate quality. I think she's helped herself last night, because she said: I can be a national voice that works for New York, a national spokesperson for New York. And that's a winning combination.

SHAW: Andrew Cuomo, Housing secretary, thanks very much for coming up to the booth.

WOODRUFF: Running for governor, yes?

CUOMO: I'm sorry.

WOODRUFF: Running for governor?

CUOMO: I'm running to help Al Gore become president.

SHAW: The secretary mentioned new technologies in this big and new millennium. Talk about new technologies: politics, record campaign spending, infomercial conventions, the evidence of profound changes sweeping. We've passed the 20th century -- the 18th for that matter.

Bruce Morton now on how politics has changed and not changed.


BRUCE MORTON, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): Once it was easier. George Washington running for Virginia's House of Burgesses bought rum and ale for his friends. Even then, money mattered.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Money is a constant in elections. The campaigns require money to get exposure. And exposure comes expensive in the American system.

MORTON: White, property-owning men were the only voters back then. Where better to meet them than a pub?

Running for national office, newspapers mattered, but back then they were full of opinion, often slander. Thomas Jefferson once huffed, "Nothing can now be believed that is seen in a newspaper."

Debates, Stephen Douglas and Abraham Lincoln debated when they ran for the Senate -- Douglas won -- but not when they ran against each other for president in 1860. And the debates were little events: no amplifiers, no PA systems. Just "Hey, can you hear me?"

Some candidates traveled. William Jennings Bryan did back in 1896 with his speech denouncing the gold standard. But William McKinley sat on his front porch, gave interviews, chatted with visitors, and won, sitting down.

Money still mattered. Mark Hanna (ph), a 19th century senator, said: "There are two things that are important in politics. The first is money, and I can't remember what the second one is."

The country changed. Industry replaced agriculture; cities replaced farms. Businesses gave money, and in the cities, bosses organized wards, gave precinct captains "walking around money."

HERBERT ALEXANDER, POLITICAL ANALYST: Sometimes, to bring potential voters to the polls by car, sometimes to pay off homeless or winos who may be will be able to vote.

MORTON: Conventions changed. Bosses picked the delegates; the mayor of Chicago made sure all that city's delegates voted his way. Some states would adopt the unit rule: all the delegates, again, voting one way.

Party leaders picked the nominees and didn't do so badly. Picked Franklin Roosevelt for one.


FRANKLIN DELANO ROOSEVELT (D), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: I accept the commission you have tendered me! I join with you!


MORTON: And Roosevelt was the first to use, brilliantly, a new medium, which let presidents, candidates speak to the whole country: radio.

When he gave a fireside chat, people said, you could walk down the street and hear every word because every house had it on.


ROOSEVELT: We have a long way to go, but we are on the way.


MORTON: FDR campaigned by train across the country. His successor, Harry Truman, made the whistle-stop tour famous, denouncing the Republican Congress and upsetting all the predictions by beating Thomas Dewey in 1948.

Dwight Eisenhower was the first candidate to raise most of his own money independent of his party. Sometimes, that has weakened the bond between president and party.

DAVID BRODER, "WASHINGTON POST": As things work now, as you know, it's very often the case that you have an opposition Congress of the same party as the president.

MORTON: Eisenhower campaigned by plane: You could hit more TV markets in a day. And TV, of course, was the other big change. Richard Nixon and John Kennedy had the first TV debates in 1960.


RICHARD NIXON (R), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: Both he and I are going to abide by whatever the people decide.


JOHN F. KENNEDY (D), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: There is no certain road to the presidency. There are no guarantees.


ROBERT DALLEK, PRESIDENTIAL HISTORIAN: Back in the 19th century, how many people ever saw a president in the flesh? How many people ever saw a photograph of a president?

MORTON: Now, they're in your living room. You feel you know them.

BRODER: Which has got to be a benefit. The irony, of course, is that fewer people proportionately vote now than did in the times when these were simply names on banners or posters or in newspaper headlines.

MORTON: Another big change: Bosses lost power, parties got rid of things like the unit rule, and more and more turned to primaries to pick convention delegates. Under the Democrats' rules, delegations had to mirror the state: so many women, young people, minorities, though the word "quota" was unpopular.

Of course, winning delegates in primaries cost money, too.


SEN. PHIL GRAMM (R-TX), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: I have the most reliable friend that you can have in American politics, and that is ready money.


MORTON: He lost four years ago, but the top money-raisers this year, George W. Bush and Al Gore, are the nominees.

Maybe money matters even more now.

BRODER: Money's always been part of it, but I don't think it's ever been nearly of the scale of preoccupation that it is now. I mean, the candidates think about it day in and day out, month in and month out.

MORTON (on camera): Money is the mother's milk of politics?

DALLEK: It is indeed, but many people think it's turned sour.

MORTON (voice-over): One other change: Choosing delegates in primaries and caucuses means you know who the nominee is before you get to the convention. They've become party celebrations. No real business, just a chance for the party and the candidates to strut their stuff.

Bruce Morton, CNN, Los Angeles. (END VIDEOTAPE)

GREENFIELD: Yes, we do know who the nominees are, but there is action down on the floor, there are events at the podium worth covering them. And yes, we will cover them when we come back.



NARRATOR: On day two of the 1940 Democratic convention in Chicago, delegates were considering President Franklin Roosevelt for an unprecedented third term. His controversial expansion of the federal government to fight economic depression and his proclaimed neutrality in Hitler's European war had reduced his popularity after eight years.

Roosevelt sent a message through convention Chairman Alvin Barkley (ph).


ALVIN BARKLEY: He wishes in all earnestness and sincerity to make it clear that all of the delegates to this convention are free to vote for either candidate.


NARRATOR: Chicago's mayor had a man on a hidden microphone begin chanting "We want Roosevelt" while most all the delegates would vote for the president on the first ballot and nominate him again in 1944.



SHAW: When you look down on the floor, you're struck immediately by the composition of this Democratic Party and the convention. First of all, half the delegates are women.

WOODRUFF: Half the delegates are women. I believe 20 percent, all -- 19 to 20 percent of these delegates are African-American, very different from the Republican convention, where I believe it was 4 percent.

GREENFIELD: It was, and not only is it different in terms of race and gender, but it's very different in terms of the makeup of interest groups.

Tonight, we've mentioned many times this is officially liberal night with the speakers, but if you look at who's coming up before the main speakers, you have the executive director of a large gay rights organization, the executive director of the leading abortion rights organization, the head of the big public employees union.

We never talk enough about how many of these delegates are teachers and government employees, not the kind of steelworkers and autoworkers of another generation, but white-collar public unions.

WOODRUFF: And this is not a union that's been coy about its support of the Democrats.

GREENFIELD: Not a bit. But I mentioned before the break we're going down to the floor. Unlike some politicians, we keep our promises. Down on the floor, Jeanne Meserve .

MESERVE: Jeff, there's been an interesting evolution in this party on the subject of abortion. The basic stance hasn't changed at all. The party and the ticket are unambiguous in their support of abortion rights.

But you'll remember in 1992 Pennsylvania Governor Bob Casey was not allowed to voice his pro-life points of view from the podium. This year, there's a real attempt to present a big tent image: A Catholic cardinal spoke about sanctity of life in the opening invocation. And tomorrow night, two of Bob Casey's sons will speak. One of them, Bob Casey Jr., is with me now.

Are you going to be talking about abortion rights?

BOB CASEY JR., PENNSYLVANIA STATE AUDITOR GENERAL: Jeanne, what we'll talk about is his whole record of public service, and we also want to make sure that people remember that he stood for the unborn, in addition to being the first governor in the country to have a children's health insurance program. And Vice President Gore has recognized that, and we appreciate the fact that he's recognized that kind of difference of opinion.

MESERVE: Why do you think they're making this effort to make the big tent this time around?

CASEY: Well, because I think they know that we've got to reach out as a party, and I think the vice president understands that. But when you compare the records of the two nominees of the major parties on an issue like children's health insurance, I think there's going to be a dramatic difference, because there's an obvious disagreement with some members of our party on the issue of abortion.

MESERVE: Bob Casey Jr., thanks so much. Now to Wolf Blitzer.

BLITZER: Thanks, Jeanne. In about five or six minutes, we're expecting to hear from Elizabeth Birch. She's the executive director of the Human Rights Campaign, an organization of gay and lesbians. She will make the case that this Democratic Party is very different than the Republican Party.

She will cite very specific language of the Democratic Party platform, language that would have been inconceivable in the Republican Party platform. For example, we support the full inclusion of gay and lesbian families in the life of the nation.

She will stress that her invitation to speak during primetime hours here at this convention is very much different than what the Republicans did when they let a gay congressman speak there, but he didn't speak about gay and lesbian issues. He spoke about free trade.

Now to Frank Sesno on the floor.

SESNO: Wolf, thanks very much. I'm standing here with Richard Ray. A big part of the mosaic here at this convention is organized labor. You're president of the Georgia AFL-CIO. How significant is labor as a player here, and how is the overall complexion changing?

RICHARD RAY, PRESIDENT, GEORGIA AFL-CIO: We are 30 percent of the delegates here at this convention. We feel that we are a very big part of the Democratic Party, one that they can call on for the grassroots and everything all the way up to all the money that we possibly can raise to help the Democratic candidates get elected across the United States.

SESNO: Richard Ray, thanks very much. New economy, old alliances.

Off now to John King.

KING: Thank you, Frank.

Marina Torres standing with me, a member of two groups critical to the Democrats in the fall. She is a teacher, a member of the California Teachers Association -- that's the state of affiliate of the National Education Association -- also a Latino voter.

You watched the Republican convention, you told me, a message of diversity, a message of tolerance. What do you make of that? Do you believe that? And compare it to this crowd.

MARINA TORRES, CALIFORNIA DELEGATE: Well, just in terms of the caucuses that I've attended here and the commitment that these delegates have and the Democratic Party, I find it very, very different from what the Republicans say and what they actually do.

KING: And you are a teacher. The voucher issue has been -- come up to some criticism because of Senator Lieberman's support of that. What do you make of that?

TORRES: Well, I think in terms of California and what can happen with the voucher initiative, I think once he starts to listen to us -- and there's a long way before November comes -- and I think we can sit down and talk about whatever issues dealing with the voucher that can come up. And I think we can work whatever together to solve any types of problems there might be.

KING: We thank you, Marina Torres. Now over to Candy Crowley.

CROWLEY: Thanks, Jeff.

One of the things that Democrats point out to you continuously is that while the Republicans talked about diversity, it is a very diverse floor here. They point out that they have a much higher percentage of Latino delegates, a much higher percentage of African- American delegates. Still, they understand that George Bush, unlike any other Republican in recent memory, has made an all-out effort to court both African-American votes and Latino votes. I asked a number of Latino delegates about that as well, as African-Americans, who say, maybe they will give George Bush a look, but once they get a gander at his issues, they will come back to the Democratic Party.

So there is very little fear here that George Bush can cut into either the Latino or the African-American vote that much. Still, the Bush campaign will admit that while they do not believe that they can take a heavy chunk of those voters, they do believe that just by reaching out to Latinos and to blacks that George Bush does appear more moderate to those all-important swing voters in the suburbs.

Jeff, back to you.

GREENFIELD: Thank you, Candy.

What we want to show you now is one way that you might be able to distinguish between the two parties on at least one issue.

In a few moments, as we mentioned, Elizabeth Birch, the executive director of the Human Rights Campaign, a gay advocacy organization, will speak. You will remember, some of you, that Tuesday night of the Republican convention, Jim Kolbe, a congressman from Arizona, the only openly gay Republican spoke, and during that speech, several members of the Texas delegation -- you can see this here -- bowed their heads in prayer. The delegates said it was a sign of protest. To quote them, "They were disappointed that our candidate" -- Bush -- "invited a homosexual to speak."

Now, Log Cabin Republicans -- that's a gay Republican group -- said in contrast that Kolbe's inclusion in the program was a sign of inclusiveness. But we should mention that Kolbe did not speak about homosexuality. He spoke about free trade.

The Republican platform includes language opposing same-sex unions, gay adoptions, and says that homosexuality is incompatible with service in the military. You will remember that President Clinton's first big flap was about gays in the military.

So I think, Judy and Bernie, this is a different convention than the Republicans in that sense.

WOODRUFF: Very much so. You had the prayer vigil under way at the Republican convention, and actually I think there was one delegate -- they trade to keep anybody from walking out, but in the end there was one delegate from Texas who ended up actually walking out in protest over Congressman Kolbe's appearance.

SHAW: Most definitely this is Al Gore's convention. Al Gore giveth and he takeeth away in the form of delegate Sanchez and whole flap over her having a fund-raiser at the "Playboy" Mansion. He did not want that to happen, and she later did not hold it there, and then she decided for certain reasons that she would not speak here. But you do have this subject from the podium of Al Gore's convention. GREENFIELD: And now, here is Elizabeth Birch of the Human Rights Campaign.

UNIDENTIFIED MALE: The executive director of the Human Rights Campaign, Elizabeth Birch.


I am honored, to speak here tonight as a proud gay American....


Tonight, we celebrate the American family, but we know that America's family is not yet whole.

For the color of his skin, James Byrd was dragged behind a truck in Jasper, Texas, and shattered on a drainage ditch. Because of her faith, young Kristi Beckel, 14 years old, was gunned down as she worshipped with her family in a Texas Baptist church. Because Matthew Sheppard was gay, he was driven into the countryside on a freezing Wyoming night, beaten and hung on a fence to die. His gentle voice still asks why, as do the families that have paid for our national lesson with their children's lives.

Tonight, we dedicate ourselves to healing the fractures, soothing the wounds, to making our American family truly whole.

It is now well settled that Democrats are capable of strong and disciplined standards of governance in our economy and domestic and foreign affairs. But true leadership requires a muscled heart for equality. Wise leadership never takes refuge in silence.

I speak here tonight with the parents and political leaders whose action or apathy will determine the fullness of the American family. To parents, some of whom have left their gay children at the margins of family life and out of the vision of America, I say this to you. I want you to know that your gay children are gifted and strong. All are heroic in the way they have conquered barriers to their own self respect. Many have suffered cruelty or violence.

Some serve their communities with leadership and grace. Many are rich in faith and have a deep love for this nation and democracy. Tens of thousands have served with distinction in the armed forces of the United States, and many have lost their lives.

Until this administration, the Clinton-Gore administration, many battled AIDS virtually alone in the face of a stony silent government. Many have lost their jobs. All were created by God, and you have a right to be proud of each and every one of them.


I am proud to know the good heart of Al Gore. He has led this nation with wisdom and courage. His vision embraces every child and every family, including my family. I cannot imagine a better leader for our small toddler twins than the next president of the United States, Al Gore.


You know, the other party's vision for America excludes as many as it includes. To be blunt, the Republican platform remains shameful. Healing America's family requires resolve, not simply refrain. The leadership proposed by the Republican Party practices apathy in the face of hatred and calls it leadership. They forego invective but embrace indifference, and they call it compassion.

Deep within their hearts, they know this to be true -- that not a single gay American seeks special or favored rights. We seek simple equality, the right to work, the right to raise a family...


... the right to serve our nation in every way and to be free from the shackles of brutality and hate.


But you know equality is a special right. It is a right so special for that for two and a quarter centuries, it has motivated men and women to dream and to die and to animate the very heart of America itself.

Al Gore and Joe Lieberman have taken strong, courageous positions on behalf of equality. They have never run for cover of silence. Like most Americans, they understand that as long as a young man can be left on a fence to die, our American family is fractured.

As long as gay parents live in fear that their children might be taken from them, our family is torn. As long as hard-working Americans can be fired in 39 states simply because they are gay, our family is not whole. As long as gay people are barred from serving openly in the armed forces of the United States, our family is not just. As long as gay, lesbian, bisexual and trans-gender youth are at risk for suicide, until there is a cure for AIDS for men, women and children here and around the globe, the American family we celebrate tonight is not healed.

For it is not enough to love your own child, we must love all children and heal the family called America.


This is what Al Gore knows. It is what George Bush has yet to learn. We don't have a single child to spare. And we don't have time for George Bush to learn on the job.


My partner, Hillary (ph), and I have amazing, inspiring young toddler twins. I don't know how they will judge us one day as parents or as people. Our hope and our prayer is that we will measure up in the way that Dr. Martin Luther King asked people to judge themselves. He said, "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends."

Let us not follow the silence of George Bush. Let us follow a voice of courage and wisdom. And let us elect Al Gore president of the United States.

Thank you.

GREENFIELD: Elizabeth Birch of the Human Rights Campaign. And we are watching now the Texas delegation, the counterpart of that Republican Texas delegation, some of whose members protested a gay speaker, all of whom are holding signs, "Stop Hate Crimes," signs supporting Al Gore

We go down to the Texas delegation on the floor now with our Frank Sesno -- Frank.

SESNO: Jeff, I'm standing here with Gonzalez Barrientos. He is the co-chair of this delegation. And behind us, a very vocal demonstration by your state. Why, and is this deliberate contrast to what we saw at Republican Convention?

GONZALO BARRIENTOS, TEXAS DELEGATION: It's not recording. Well, we tried to pass a law in the state of Texas on enhancing hate crime. It passed through House, but in the Senate, the Republicans wouldn't even give us a vote. Governor Bush never said anything.

SESNO: Why this demonstration tonight? What were you trying to say?

BARRIENTOS: We want to show the contrast between the Democrats and the Republicans. In Texas, this is what they did to us. A hate crimes bill, if it saved one life, would be very worthwhile.

SESNO: If I may sir, what George W. Bush said at the time was hate crimes legislation specifically isn't necessary. There are laws on the books to prosecute those who commit such crimes.

BARRIENTOS: If he were a minority or of some other religion that somebody hated and did some harm, he might think differently. The fact is that we do have to enforce our present laws. But enhancement of penalties for hate crimes would help.

SESNO: Gonzalo Barrientos, appreciate your time -- co-chair from the delegation of Texas. Let's go back up to the booth.

GREENFIELD: Thank you, Frank.

When we come back, we are going to meet a delegate who became interested in politics not because of his parents, not because of a passion, but because of a letter -- in a moment.


GREENFIELD: So, where does the appetite for politics begin? Well, for the delegates we have been profiling, it begins in many places. It can begin with the passion of a parent, a chance meeting with a politician, or in the case of the delegate you are about to meet from Colorado, it began with a letter.


DEBBIE MARQUEZ, COLORADO DELEGATE: It's nice to get wet even on a hot day up here on the Colorado.

GREENFIELD (voice-over): For Debbie Marquez, a Saturday morning on the Colorado is a rare moment of relaxation. The 40-something from Edwards, Colorado...

MARQUEZ: Oh, check it out.

GREENFIELD: ... is a single mother of 2 1/2-year-old Francesca (ph).

MARQUEZ: Do you want to pick that one? Wow.

GREENFIELD: She's working on an MBA degree from the University of Denver. And she's co-owner of Fiestas...

MARQUEZ: Well, enjoy your dinner.

GREENFIELD: ... a Mexican restaurant...

MARQUEZ: How you doing?

GREENFIELD: ... where chicken enchiladas are the specialty.

MARQUEZ: I'm going to the Democratic National Convention next month as a delegate. Bill and Hillary and Al and Tipper and everybody, yes...

GREENFIELD (on camera): The whole enchilada.

MARQUEZ: The whole enchilada.

"Viva Gore" signs.

GREENFIELD (voice-over): Debbie Marquez is also an intensely political women. Until recently, she was chair of the Eagle County Democratic Party. If you ever wonder where those lawn signs come from, here's your answer.

MARQUEZ: Would you like a Gore sign in your yard?

GREENFIELD: She grew up in California, in Los Angeles, oldest of six sisters. And when she graduated Polytechnic High, she got a letter from her congressman congratulating her. She didn't know about form letters. She just knew that someone important had noticed what she'd done. From that moment on, there was no turning back. She stuffed envelopes for Muskie, moved to Colorado and began volunteering.

MARQUEZ: Putting up some campaign signs.

UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Oh, well, good, I'll put one in my yard. MARQUEZ: Do you want a "Viva Gore" or regular?

GREENFIELD: She's done everything from working the phones to driving a car in a Bill Clinton motorcade. She's a small business owner who's a committed Democrat.

MARQUEZ: You know, as a business owner, you certainly have some conflicts at times. I do. But for the most part, I think the Democratic Party has always been a good part, or a good representative for small business.

GREENFIELD: And as with many in the West, the environment keeps her involved.

MARQUEZ: Colorado is very progressive. When it comes to, for instance, recycling, we were one of the first states to begin recycling, keep the water clean, keep the air clean. Those are important things, but there's a lot more we can do.

GREENFIELD: Like almost every delegate, Republican and Democrat, who are not professional politicians, there is something almost overwhelming about being at a convention.

MARQUEZ: Boy, I think my heart's going to be pumping, and I'm going to looking around going, here I am, here's Debbie Marquez from Edwards, Colorado.


GREENFIELD: To the convention floor, to Debbie Marquez and our own Candy Crowley -- Candy.

CROWLEY: Thanks, Jeff.

Debbie, I just heard you say that you thought when you came here, your heart would be pumping, that you'd be all excited. Has it been what you thought it would be so far?

MARQUEZ: Absolutely. How can you not be with this wonderful group of people that are -- you know, have this -- are in favor of the same issues that we are in Colorado and not be excited.

CROWLEY: Well, let me ask you about that, because you know, there is a platform that some people, you know, disagree with. Do you think the platform is that important?

MARQUEZ: You know, in Eagle County, we don't always spend a lot of time on the platform. So I'd say it's important to have the base to know what we represent, and what our members want. But as far as, by the time it gets up here, I don't know if it means anything or not.

CROWLEY: And let me ask you, I mean, do you feel a lot of -- there was a lot of comment about the Republican convention, but this one, the outcome is just as certain. Do you feel like this is a reward for your service? Do you feel like you are a prop at a convention? I mean, what are you doing here in terms of Democratic work?

MARQUEZ: I think that -- well, I was elected to be a delegate here, so that was how I became -- came to be. And I do think it's -- I don't know if it's a reward; I guess it's a reward if people elect you, of course, and they certainly had confidence in my ability to come and represent them.

CROWLEY: OK, Debbie Marquez, thank you so much. Glad you're having a good time.

MARQUEZ: Thank you.

CROWLEY: Back to you in the booth, Judy.

WOODRUFF: Al right, Candy Crowley, we've been talking not only to Debbie Marquez, to other delegates.

And joining us now Stuart Rothenberg, analyst.

You've been looking at the mood of all these Democratic delegates to compare to the mood of what the Republican delegates were like in Philadelphia, looking ahead to November.

STUART ROTHENBERG, CNN POLITICAL ANALYST: Yes, Judy, I've also been talking to Democratic political operatives in and around L.A. and the convention, and I was searching for the right word to describe what the mood out here is. I think "optimistic" is maybe a little too strong, "worried" is not right. I think "hopeful" is the right mood. And I think there have been some decrease in optimism over the past few months. A few months ago, Democrats really thought that Al Gore was going to win, was sure to win, was likely to win. There's some more concern now. It's not that they're picking, it's not that they're depressed, but Bush is a little stronger than they thought. Al Gore hasn't looked as presidential as they hoped, and issues haven't fallen their way the way they expected.

SHAW: How much are they keying on Thursday night?

ROTHENBERG: It's very important, because this is the time when the vice president really can become the butterfly. He can evolve into the -- really a presidential candidate, and show leadership and strength. That's what Democrats are looking for, and they think that will compare very favorably to George W. Bush.

WOODRUFF: And how does that compare with what you saw in Philadelphia?

ROTHENBERG: Well, the Republicans are extremely upbeat; euphoric may be a bit much, but they are extremely optimistic. The Republicans think they're going to win. Democrats right now hope they're going to win.

SHAW: Are they glad that the Clinton night is history?

ROTHENBERG: Democrat strategists, Democrat operatives, you mean?

SHAW: Yes, all of those on the outside.

ROTHENBERG: Well, you know, they think it's time to move on. They're very grateful for Bill Clinton. He got a terrific reception. It was a great speech. But they realized it's time for him to go and now it's time for Al Gore to shine.

WOODRUFF: Just quickly, the Lieberman pick?

ROTHENBERG: I think everybody is extremely optimistic about it, but they also realize, that in the end, this is going to be Al Gore versus George Bush.

WOODRUFF: All right, Stu Rothenberg, thanks very much, and we'll see you again, and often.

When we come back, Jesse Jackson is just about to step up to the podium.


WOODRUFF: The crowd of the delegates here at the Democratic convention listening to Gerald McEntee, who heads AFSCME -- the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees.

When he is done, we're going to be hearing from Jesse Jackson, who has spoken at -- you were just saying this is fifth, sixth, seventh?

GREENFIELD: Fifth straight convention.

WOODRUFF: Fifth straight Democratic convention. Before we hear from Rev. Jesse Jackson, though, we have a treat for you, our regular commentator Tucker Carlson of "The Weekly Standard," Tucker Carlson, is joined by three other distinguished young commentators, Michelle Cottle of "The New Republic," Jake Tapper of and Tamala Edwards of our partner, "Time" magazine.

We want all four of you for just a moment to talk about this Democratic Party. How much of it is old? How much of it is new? What are we looking at here? Tucker?

TUCKER CARLSON, "WEEKLY STANDARD": I think we're looking for Jesse Jackson, with bated breath, of course, for his fifth appearance. It is so retro, in a way. Here you have, I think, four Kennedys, not a huge percentage of the overall Kennedy bulk, but still, objectively, quite a few Kennedys. You have Marty Meehan, sounds like a Depression-era ward boss, you have a sort of very old face for the Democratic Party, and it's interesting, it's an interesting contrast to the Republican show two weeks ago.

Tamala, are you struck by this?

TAMALA EDWARDS, "TIME" MAGAZINE: But at the same time, I would argue with you, because in the last hour, which is the hour that will be broadcast on most networks to most people, you will see Harold Ford Jr., who's a Democrat, who took over his father's seat. His father was very liberal, and Harold, on the other hand, is a bit more conservative. So I do think they're trying to balance it out a little bit.

But I do agree with you, you know, they've got a lot of the old lions up there.

MICHELLE COTTLE, "THE NEW REPUBLIC": But in all fairness, tonight is liberal night. I mean, last night, we had the Clintons. Tomorrow night, we'll have Joe Lieberman. This is the night where they throw the old guard a bone.

CARLSON: But Jesse Jackson? I mean, that's an old, old, old guard.


EDWARDS: OK, Clinton will probably be the best, because he always -- but it may be the second best. So in that way, for a lot of these people who are very liberal, Jackson is, you know, a great one to go out there and rev up the crowd.

COTTLE: And he motivates the grassroots, which is one of the things Al has to do, while at the same time, making sure that he doesn't have everyone think he's going to follow those old policies.

CARLSON: So, Jake, isn't everybody the grassroots? I mean, essentially, the crowd here is either labor, or teachers, or activists of some kind. Is there anything but grassroots?

JAKE TAPPER, SALON.COM: They'll clap for anyone who appears. I think it's actually a big tactical mistake on the Democrat's part, not that it's going to make much of a difference one way or the other. But they had a whole bunch of new people, like Senator John Edwards from North Carolina, and they stuck him like three hour ago. Meanwhile, you know, the guy that sang the national anthem, I think, is indicative of the rest of the speakers. It's Al from "Happy Days," Pat Morita, you know.

The whole evening just recalls like, you know, 20 years ago for me.

TUCKER: Los Lobos, the musical act. I mean, it's...

EDWARDS: You have to also remember that both And Al Gore and Joe Lieberman are partisans, to a degree, from the Democratic Leadership Council, which is a very moderate to conservative Democratic group. They kind of need these guys out here, I think, to placate many of the more liberal, hardcore Democrats.

TUCKER: But isn't it a little late for that?


TUCKER: Gee whiz, I mean the election is three months. I mean, shouldn't they have sort of shored up their support with these... COTTLE: But this is why people are -- people are only now just paying attention. And he's not talking about to the audience, he's talking to the people at home.


TUCKER: Right, but they've been paying attention a long time. Why does he still seem to owe them?

COTTLE: Well, most recently because he named Joe Lieberman to the ticket. And this is not someone who is a favorite among the labor unions in this kind of...

TAPPER: Especially among the African-American in Congress. Maxine Waters was, you know, has been withholding her endorsement. And there are other members of the Congressional Black Caucus who are very opposed to Senator Lieberman being on the ticket for his conservative views, sure. There is possibly other reasons as well.

EDWARDS: Well, no


TUCKER: What do you mean by that, Jake?

EDWARDS: I would argue that Maxine Waters is probably concerned about Joe Lieberman supporting vouchers, about Joe Lieberman saying that he's, you know, concerned about affirmative action. Those are things that


TUCKER: And controlling the media, too?

EDWARDS: Those are things that her constituents in the Watts section of Los Angeles really care about.

TUCKER: But the fact is that Lieberman hasn't actually been out on vouchers since he was picked. He hasn't come out against affirmative action. I mean, he hasn't said much that is distinguishable from what Gore is saying.

COTTLE: But it's not just the Maxine Waters that are going to be -- Paul Wellstone was in the paper saying that Lieberman has to get out there and talk about economic issues. They are concerned that Lieberman is not going to care about the working man, so he's....

TAPPER: Paul Wellstone is a very, very left-wing -- he's probably the most left-wing member of the Senate. But I mean, I think there is another thing at play -- and it doesn't do anyone any good to pretend that it doesn't exist -- is that, according to a Anti- Defamation league poll -- remember, a couple of years ago -- African- Americans are three times more likely to be anti-Semitic or to hold latently anti-Semitic views. And of course, that has something to do with, you know, Maxine Waters and what she listens to in Compton when she goes back to her district. TUCKER: Well, maybe Jesse Jackson will explain it all to us. I hope he does.

TAPPER: Jesse Hymie-Town Jackson.

TUCKER: Amen -- Bernie.

SHAW: Thank you very much, Tucker.

On the floor, John King with the man who would be speaker.

KING: California delegation with Missouri Congressman Dick Gephardt, the House Democratic leader, as you mentioned, the man who would be speaker if the Democrats can pick up six seats in the fall. A lot of your candidates have been speaking here. That's a contrast to the Republican Convention. Why is that?

SEN. DICK GEPHARDT (D), MISSOURI: I think we are proud of our candidates. And we're on the same sheet of music as the presidential campaign. There is real unity in this party. And I think that's what you are seeing in this convention.

KING: We had a gay speaker earlier. The Teacher's Union speaks. Reverend Jackson is about to speak. Back in 1984, the Republicans said this was the party of special interest?

GEPHARDT: This is the party of diversity. If we win the House back, the chair of the Ways and Means Committee will be the first African-American chair of that committee in the history of the country. And I'm proud of that. This is a convention that really shows this is the party that looks like America.

KING: A bit of a dispute earlier, some of the African-Americans in your House caucus worried about Joe Lieberman's position on affirmative action. Has that been resolved?

GEPHARDT: I think it is. This party is for affirmative action. We believe in civil rights. We're the party that wrote the Civil Rights Act of 1965. And we're going to see it through to see that it's done finally in our country.

KING: Thank you very much sir.

Now to the podium, the Reverend Jesse Jackson.


AUDIENCE: Jesse! Jesse! Jesse!

JACKSON: The long arm of justice reaches neither for the political left nor the political right, but for the moral center. Vanity asks the question, Is it popular? Politics asks the question, Will it work? Can I win? Morality and conscience ask the question, Is it right? In the end, if it is morally right, politics and popularity has to adjust to the unyielding power of the moral center. There was a left and right in slavery but no moral center, a left and a right in denying women the right to vote but no moral center.

Tonight we gather here in Los Angeles, home to dream makers who entice the world, but also home of the janitors and sanitary workers who clean up your world. Los Angeles, home of a handful of America's richest people and hundreds of America's poorest workers.

This Democratic convention is set in that great divide between Beverly Hills and South Central, between the dream makers and dream breakers. And we commit ourselves today to make America better, to stand with the janitors who had to strike to get a dollar more an hour, to stand with the hotel workers who work every day but don't get health care. We are on your side.

JACKSON: Two weeks ago, in Philadelphia, the nation was treated to a staged show -- smoke, mirrors, hired acts the Republicans called inclusion. That was the inclusion illusion.

In Philadelphia...


... diversity ended on that stage. They could not mention the words "Africa," "Appalachia" or "AIDS" once.

So it's good to be in Los Angeles, to look over this great assembly and see the real deal, the quilt with many patches that is America. There are 1,000 union workers here...


... a thousand African Americans, 1,000 Latinos and Asian Americans. As many women as men...


America's working families are here, headed by a Southern Baptist and an Orthodox Jew. This is America's dream team, the Democratic Party.


In this diversity is our strength. Mr. Bush stood with Jefferson Davis and the Confederate flag in South Carolina and Abe Lincoln and the American flag in Baltimore, but Mr. Gore and Lieberman can say: One America, one flag.


Last week, when Al Gore chose Joe Lieberman as his running mate, he stood up for justice. He appealed to the best in America. In selecting Joe Lieberman, Al Gore has brought the sons and daughters of slaves and slave master together with the sons and daughters of Holocaust survivors, women fighting for self-determination, workers fighting for wage security and dignity.

Al Gore has raised the moral chin bar. When a barrier falls to one of the locked out, it opens doors for all.

JACKSON: I've devoted much of my life striving to bring light to dark places. Four decades ago, on July 17, 1960, I was jailed with several of my classmates, trying to use a library in Greenville, South Carolina. On July 17, 1984, I addressed you in San Francisco.

We've come a long way. We are making America better.

I know something about the tides of change. I moved with it when the tide was coming in, and labored against it when it was flowing out. I've seen enough and done enough to know when the moment is right for history to be made again.

My fellow Americans, we face such a moment today. This is a moment pregnant with possibility, a moment that we have waited for more than a generation to come our way.

Remember the dream of Dr. King, the dream of genuine economic opportunity for all. It has been deferred for too long, deferred by the assassination of Dr. King, by the Vietnam War, by the Cold War, by stagnant (ph) deficits (ph). Our imaginations have been shackled.

Now, America has no global military rival, deficits that become surpluses, promises to keep. This economy has enjoyed record growth, but America's working families are still struggling to get by. Jobs are plentiful, but less secure. Wages are up but haven't made up ground lost over the last 25 years.

Forty-five million Americans have no health insurance. They're one illness away from bankruptcy. We cannot rest until every American is covered with health insurance.


SHAW: The Reverend Jesse Jackson addressing the Democratic delegates here in Los Angeles.

Our senior political analyst, Bill Schneider, is here.

Bill, what is Jesse Jackson to this party? Who is Jesse Jackson to this party?

SCHNEIDER: Well, in the country, Jesse Jackson is thought of, usually, as a polarizing figure, but that's not exactly true. Where are the voters on this issue? Well, the public holds a pretty favorable opinion of Jesse Jackson. He's become something of an elder statesman to many Americans.

He regards himself as a spokesman not only for African-Americans, but the groups he would describe as the disenfranchised, disadvantaged, the disrespected, the despised, the groups that the Democratic Party has always proposed to speak for.

This ticket is interesting because it represents the total takeover of the Democratic Party by the Democratic Leadership Council. Bill Clinton was one of the first chairman -- I think it was the first chairman; he wasn't the first -- but one of the early chairman of the Democratic Leadership Council. Joe Lieberman is the current chairman of that organization. Gore has been a longtime supporter. And Jackson once derided the Democratic Leadership Council, centrist Democrats, as Democrats for the leisure class. And here he is speaking at this convention.

I think liberals have become more realistic. Jackson's role is to show the liberal base of the party it's OK to be for Gore and Lieberman, and one of the most significant things he said just a minute ago was "I applaud Al Gore for his selection of Joe Lieberman." That's an important statement, because some African-Americans aren't happy with Lieberman's position on affirmative action. Some liberals aren't happy with Joe Lieberman.

He said, "When a barrier falls for one of the locked-out, it opens the door for all" -- a very important signal.

WOODRUFF: Bill, a lot of conversation here and always about the old Democratic Party versus the new Democratic Party. Even if this party is becoming the new Democratic Party, they can't survive, they can't win an election without the old Democrats, the base, the liberal base.

SCHNEIDER: That's right, but what's even more significant is that the liberal base of the party knows that, too. This convention looks like the Gore-Lieberman constituency reaching out to the old Democrats, the liberals, the party base. But the liberals and the party base have been scared to death, first by 12 years of Reagan and Bush, and then in the 1990s by Newt Gingrich and the Republican Congress. They know they can't survive without the new Democrats, because they can't sell the old Democratic religion. They need each other. That's why Jackson is here.

WOODRUFF: Bill Schneider, thanks.

GREENFIELD: One of the things that used to be one of the most important parts of the convention, the keynote speech, to rally the faithful and rally the base. As Democrats seek to rally the liberal base tonight, their keynote speaker happens to be one of the youngest, if not the youngest, members of Congress, Harold Ford Jr. When we come back, we'll take a look at this keynote speaker.


SHAW: Tonight will be only the second time in major party history that an African-American will have delivered a major keynote address. The former representative from Texas, Mrs. Jordan, was the first one, Barbara Jordan. Tonight, the man from Tennessee, the Youngest member of Congress.



SHAW: Harold Ford Jr. was only 26 years old and a first-time candidate when he was elected to Congress four years ago.

FORD JR.: I stand before you this afternoon a young man, ready to go and do battle.

SHAW: But his name had been a fixture on the ballot. His father, Harold Ford Sr., had represented Tennessee's 9th congressional district for more than 22 years. In fact, the younger Ford's first campaign often used a one-word slogan, "Junior."

FORD JR.: I'm proud of my father. He leaves a proud legacy, a tall legacy, and we're going to build on that powerful legacy.

SHAW: Now 30 years old, the law-school grad has longstanding ties to fellow Tennessee-bred politician Al Gore. Ford assisted the 1992 Clinton-Gore transition team and later worked under Commerce Secretary Ron Brown.

Earlier this year, Ford has flirted with the idea of running for a U.S. Senate seat but decided against it, choosing instead to run for a third congressional term.


GREENFIELD: Before we get to Harold Ford and that keynote speech, we're going to hear...


GREENFIELD: Caroline Kennedy...

WOODRUFF: Caroline Kennedy...

GREENFIELD: ... Ted Kennedy and Bill Bradley, who, as he said, wished he'd be speaking when he said to you Thursday rather than Tuesday night.

So for those liberals who are feeling left out by an all Democratic Leadership Council ticket, this is their night.

WOODRUFF: That's right. We are hearing, Jesse Jackson is still out there now. This crowd has been on its feet a few times waving signs, still a very enthusiastic audience for him.

SHAW: It's a very organized hall down there. There -- literally more than 2,000 signs went up at one point when Jesse Jackson was making a point. So the Democrats here in Los Angeles also scripting these very, very carefully.

WOODRUFF: Now, as we head toward the final hour of this convention, the Kennedys that Jeff just mentioned and Harold Ford, we are going to turn the reins of this program over to Larry King. He's got some wonderful guests tonight. He will be right with you.



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