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INSIGHT

The Fate of Zimbabwean Opposition Leader Morgan Tsvangirai

Aired October 14, 2004 - 23:00:00   ET

THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.

MONITA RAJPAL, CNN HOST: Zimbabwe's treason trial. Harare braces for unrest as the country's opposition leader prepares to hear his fate. Did Morgan Tsvangirai plot to kill the president?
Hello there and welcome to INSIGHT. I'm Monita Rajpal.

Tomorrow, a court in Harare will deliver a verdict in a case some say could determine the country's political future. Morgan Tsvangirai is charged with treason and could face the death penalty if convicted. The central piece of evidence is a grainy videotape in which Tsvangirai allegedly discusses a plot to kill the president with a Canadian political consultant. Tsvangirai denies all charges, saying he was framed, but will that help him in court? An election is due to take place in Zimbabwe next year and observers say Robert Mugabe is cracking down on opposition in the run-up to that election.

On our program today, the verdict. Lindsey Hilsum begins our coverage.

(BEGIN VIDEOTAPE)

LINDSEY HILSUM, ITV CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): The Zimbabwean opposition on Sunday. Maybe it was their leaders last rally. Tomorrow a judge will decide if Morgan Tsvangirai is guilty of treason. He may be condemned to death or to long years in prison, so he is preparing the party supporters to carry on without him.

MORGAN TSVANGIRAI, ZIMBABWEAN OPPOSITION LEADER: (UNINTELLIGIBLE) You must be faithful to the country and the people, not be faithful to a particular individual in a particular party.

HILSUM: Two years ago Tsvangirai was secretly filmed meeting a man he thought was an election strategists but who in fact was working for President Mugabe. In the meeting, Tsvangirai talked of eliminating Mugabe. Proof, says the government, that he was plotting to kill the president.

TSVANGIRAI: I'm at peace with myself on whatever after. Because in the first place, this is political persecution, whether or not I get convicted. It has nothing to do with the facts on the ground but whatever outcome I am dealt (UNINTELLIGIBLE).

HILSUM: Zimbabwe has changed since Tsvangirai's MDC started their campaign to oust the government. Their offices are run down, even in strongholds like (UNINTELLIGIBLE) near Harare.

Fewer people come to rallies. Some have gone into exile, others are discouraged or too scared to take part in politics.

Now the government's moving against less directly political movements. Like these women from a group called WOZA, Women of Zimbabwe Arrive. They walked 300 miles from (UNINTELLIGIBLE) to protest outside parliament in Harare about a new bill to curb non-governmental organizations. If it becomes law, the bill will effectively ban NGOs which campaign for human rights and help those injured in political violence. The (UNINTELLIGIBLE) say the women is beloved.

It didn't take long for the police to arrest them. The women went peacefully. Last Thursday, the women were brought to court after two days and nights in the cells. The police outside weren't too keen on being filmed.

(on camera): Sorry? I'm filming them. I've got my accreditation.

(voice-over): The women were released on bail. They'll be back in court next month. The government calls it law and order. The women's supporters say it's harassment.

At the opening session of parliament, President Mugabe announced he would introduce new laws to ban voter education before next year's elections. The NGO bill, which was tabled this week, would cutoff foreign funding for local groups. The government says it's to prevent them from becoming tools of colonialism.

UNIDENTIFIED FEMALE: Over the last couple of years we've seen a systematic shutdown of Zimbabwe. We've seen a shutdown of the media, for example, and this has been a significant closure from the international eye. And now we see very much the closure of a space that has been extremely critical, extremely proactive, and that has remained very much significant and in touch with the Zimbabwean electorate.

HILSUM: Members of President Mugabe's Zanu PF Party, they're free to organize and demonstrate as the government consolidates power before the elections next March. They've pushed through their program to redistribute white-owned farms.

This one 30 miles north of Harare was given to Judge Paddington Garway (ph), the man who will decide the verdict on Morgan Tsvangirai tomorrow. The green houses appear to have been neglected.

The MDC is no longer campaigning about the land or food production, but for its own survival.

TSVANGIRAI: This is not about Morgan Tsvangirai. This is about an attack the democratic forces in the country, an attack -- the one who is on trial is not me. What is on trial is the democracy and the freedom of the people.

HILSUM: If Tsvangirai is found guilty, he'll appeal. If found innocent, it's not the end of the story because he's facing another treason charge for allegedly trying to overthrow the government by force. The question is, with him or without him, has the government of Zimbabwe now effectively crushed all forms of opposition?

(END VIDEOTAPE)

RAJPAL: That was Lindsey Hilsum reporting there.

When we come back, more on what's going on inside Zimbabwe.

Stay with us.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

RAJPAL: Robert Mugabe came to power in 1980. He was Zimbabwe's first democratically elected president. He promised reconciliation and democracy in a country that was emerging from a devastating civil war and colonial rule.

Mr. Mugabe was extremely popular, but in recent years that support has declined as the country goes into crisis.

Welcome back to INSIGHT.

To some Robert Mugabe is a hero of the fight against colonialism, but to others he's a dictator who has crushed the pillars of democratic society. Land seizures, new laws clamping down on freedom of expression and an ailing economy are just a few issues Zimbabweans are having to deal with.

What's gone wrong?

Joining us now from London is Thoko Matshe. She is the executive director of Akina Mama, a London-based NGO for African women. She is also the former chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly in Zimbabwe. We should also mention that we invited a representative of Zimbabwe's government to join us on today's program but there was no response.

Ms. Matshe, thank you very much for being with us.

As we just mentioned, Mr. Mugabe at one time was seen as a man who was fighting for Zimbabweans. Now he is viewed as a man who is taking away the very basic rights that he wanted them to have. What happened?

THOKO MATSHE, AKINA MAMA: I think he overstayed his welcome. He's gone beyond his sell-by date and the gains that we had at independence and for the first few years we have lost and it has become increasingly a dictatorship that does not have the heart of the people at the core of governance.

RAJPAL: Is there a sense that Zimbabweans are then stuck between a rock and a hard place? On the one hand, again, there was a time when many Zimbabweans really fully supported Robert Mugabe. He was the man who gave them land, who gave them a lot of freedom, and now they are seeing this man again clamping down on freedom of expression and basic rights.

Is thee a sense that they are them stuck between a rock and a hard place, because when it comes to deciding whether he should stay or he should go, they don't know what to do and it's hard for them to say he should go?

MATSHE: I don't think that Zimbabweans do not know what to do now. Yes, Robert Mugabe was a hero and he took us to independence and to a place that most people dreamed of, but now he is a dictator and the people of Zimbabwe, given a free and fair chance to decide, they will reject him, as they have done before although it has not been allowed to come through.

RAJPAL: Clamping down on opposition. In Lindsey Hilsum's report we saw he was saying that NGOs are tools of colonialism, taking away freedom of expression, banning foreign reporters from reporting within Zimbabwe. What has that done to Zimbabwe?

MATSHE: I think it has shrunk the space for civil society to campaign and to inform and to do voter education.

It has also shrunk the space for people to say what they really want because clamping down on civil society organization is a follow-up on the clamping down on the media so that people are not properly informed and they cannot make informed decisions.

RAJPAL: Those in Morgan Tsvangirai's camp will say the clamping down on civil society's organizations is also having an effect them on him having a fair trial. What do you view? What are your views on what could very well be the possible verdict?

MATSHE: The possible verdict really is something that suits the political ends of Zanu PF and the fact that there is no free media to inform the people, to give Morgan Tsvangirai a chance as well to be had. I think it's all leading to a political judgment that will give Zanu PF the means of doing away with Morgan so that Morgan doesn't contest.

Also, messing around with MDC so that it's not strengthening, it's not building and it's not focusing on the elections and most probably on the president, because if the verdict, the sentence, is that Morgan Tsvangirai is given a life sentence or even a death sentence, it means that for the time onto elections and also to the presidential elections, we will be focused on most probably campaigns to free him and not focused on the governance and who should govern us.

RAJPAL: What do most Zimbabweans say about this trial and, as we expect, a verdict this week. What are they saying about this trial and what hope is there for any other opposition group to even come about if there is such a fear of being charged and arrested and sentenced and then -- and not being taken seriously enough to really go against Mugabe?

MATSHE: I think the thing is is that the trial and the judgment for Zimbabweans, really the judgment is something that Zanu PF has already. They have formulated or are really to fit in with their strategies and to fit in with weakening the opposition, and yes this is a blow to other opposition parties that might come up. This will deal a blow most probably to MDC and to the opposition forces as they straggle on, but I don't think it is something that is going to stop the people of Zimbabwe to struggle and to reject the tyranny of the rule of Mugabe now.

RAJPAL: So you see in the elections that are due to take place next year -- do you see the Zimbabweans voting against Mr. Mugabe?

MATSHE: As long as the elections are not being done on a leveled field. As long as they are not free and fair, which they are not likely to be, the Zimbabweans are not going to be able to voice what they want.

If the Zimbabweans are left to voice in a free and fair election, they are going to reject Mugabe. All the strategies that are happening, the trial coming at this point in time, towards elections, is all geared towards weakening the MDC and it is also geared towards taking away the choice that the Zimbabweans can make if they are left to make a choice.

RAJPAL: Thoko Matshe, thank you very much for your time.

And we'd also like to reiterate again and remind you that we did invite a representative from Zimbabwe's government to join us on the program but we did not receive a response.

We're taking a short break. When we come back, broader trends on the continent.

Stay with us for that.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

RAJPAL: A few hours ago Somalia's new president took the oath of office. It was described as a great day for Africa, but more than that it was an historic day for Somalia. The country has been without a central government for 13 years.

Elsewhere on the continent, Liberia's president marked his first year in office. He was picked by the country's warring factions to replace Charles Taylor.

There is a long way to go, but the country is finally at peace after 14 years of war.

Welcome back.

Africa is seeing new leaders emerge, but some, like Robert Mugabe, show no sign of giving up office. In fact, they seem to be consolidating their power.

Joining us now to talk more about Robert Mugabe and broader trends across the continent is Kumi Naidoo. He is the secretary-general of Civicus, a nonprofit organization aimed at promoting civil society around the world.

Mr. Naidoo, thank you very much for being with us.

What do you see is -- or how would you describe the progress that is taking place in Africa?

KUMI NAIDOO, CIVICUS SECY.-GEN.: The African Union has brought new energy over the last couple of years. There is a greater sense that we have to improve governance on the continent, even though many civil society organizations do have concerns about certain aspects of the NEPAD, the new Partnership of Africa's development, I think there is a sense that on paper at least at this stage there are some good commitments that are being made.

The difficulty we have is that there is a big gap between the African reality. So for example if we look at what is happening in Zimbabwe right now, even though Zimbabwe is in fairly gross violation of many of the recent commitments on good governance, on the importance of civil society and so on made by the African Union or even the Southern African development community, there is not a sense that there should be stringent action taken to try to rectify what is happening in Zimbabwe, which is quite disastrous at the moment.

RAJPAL: So with that being said, what kind of a problem, what kind of difficulty does Zimbabwe pose for the African Union as a whole?

NAIDOO: Well, firstly, the situation in Zimbabwe has many different very serious social and economic ramifications apart from the political ramifications.

We have the whole southern African region and beyond now where there are large numbers of Zimbabwean refugees moving out. There is a real issue around food security and the seeming inability of the African Union and SADC (ph) to actually intervene is leaving us in a situation where civil society is really the only hope to try to address some of the immediate impact on people's lives.

But the problem is, in Zimbabwe right now the bill, the NGO bill that is being passed, is coming at the worst possible time, if you want. It is precisely the time now when we need nongovernmental organizations to be able to provide support to people who are dying of HIV AIDS and so on. And unfortunately the impact of this bill and earlier legislation is shrinking civic space.

But on the other hand, to be fair, the trends on the continent more generally is in a positive direction. There is greater opportunities for civil society participation. I have just come from Ethiopia, where the African Development Forum is being held, where there is a real effort on the part of African governments to reach out to civil society organizations.

So we hav some things that are moving in a positive direction, but where there are crucial problems, in Darfur, in Zimbabwe and so on, there is a lack of political will to actually -- for African leaders to actually challenge those African leaders that are violating the very commitments that they made around good governance.

RAJPAL: How much of that change needs to be made, if you will, with the pressure from the international community, and how much of that is the African Union saying, OK, we want the help from the international community, but we also want it to be known that we want changes made on our terms?

NAIDOO: I think it's very important that changes and the transformation of the continent is led by Africans and that the international community needs to be available and supportive and should work on the agenda that is broadly determined by the leaders on the continent.

Unfortunately, some of the statements made sometimes by certain members of the international community play into the hands of, for example, President Mugabe. You know, there are statements sometimes that have come out of the United Kingdom which President Mugabe is able to turn around, take it back to the colonial era and so on and so forth.

So it is important that the international community plays a role, but that role largely should be determined in consultation and with the leadership of the African Union and African players.

RAJPAL: How is the leadership viewing this trial, then, in Zimbabwe, the trial of Morgan Tsvangirai and the verdict that will take place?

NAIDOO: I think that, you know, the trial is a very, very unfortunately distraction right now. There are people that are perishing in Zimbabwe. The HIV AIDS pandemic alone is causing such devastation. I think that most African leaders have opted to take a wait and see attitude.

RAJPAL: Can they afford to do that, though? Can they afford to do that? Can they afford to take a wait and see attitude?

NAIDOO: Well, with regard to the trial itself, I think we will have to wait and see what happens. I think it would be a colossal disaster if the death sentence was implemented, because also you know Zimbabwe argues that there is a separation between the judiciary and the executive branch, which of course is questionable, but formally the African leadership elsewhere in the continent has to give the trial a chance to run forward and to see what happens.

But obviously, lots of things are happening behind the scenes, but the difficulty is that quiet diplomacy, which the South African government and others has pursued, has clearly not worked, and what is needed right now is for the African governments to stand up and be counted. They have to go back to what they have said in the various African Union resolutions around good governance and so on, and there is no question that Zimbabwe is currently totally in violation to many of the things that it signed up to, and if the African Union leadership does not step forward and say we will need to take some assertive actions, then I think citizens on the continent are going to doubt the sincerity of African leaders in terms of many good policy statements that we've head from them in the last couple of years.

RAJPAL: All right, Kumi Naidoo, thank you so much for your time.

NAIDOO: Thank you.

RAJPAL: And that is it for this edition of INSIGHT. I'm Monita Rajpal. Stay with CNN for more on this story and this weekend tune in to INSIDE AFRICA for an update on the Morgan Tsvangirai case. Charlayne Hunter-Gault will be reporting from Zimbabwe. That's coming up on the next edition of INSIDE AFRICA at 16:30 GMT Saturday with the regional times on your screen. But for now, the news continues right here on CNN.

END

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