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Any Moment: King Charles Delivers Historic Speech to Congress 3-3:30p ET

Aired April 28, 2026 - 15:00   ET

THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.

JAMIE GANGEL, CNN SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT: ... that was in 1991, two months after the Gulf War ended, Desert Storm, President Bush, 41, had done the opposite of President Trump. He built this extraordinary coalition, I think it was 38 countries before Desert Storm. And Queen Elizabeth came here and talked about NATO and democracy.

And -- and here we're seeing also, you know, we're -- we're not after the war. We're in the war. But President Trump, there is a sharp contrast to, you know, he's certainly testing NATO and there was no coalition.

JAKE TAPPER, CNN ANCHOR, THE LEAD: And Max, as Jamie just noted, King Charles' mother was the very first British monarch to address a joint meeting of Congress. There is -- there is some significance here in terms of the historical moment from the Royal -- for the Royal Family, but also an emotional moment, I would think.

MAX FOSTER, CNN ROYAL CORRESPONDENT: Yes, I mean, I think actually the emotional moment I saw today was from the President himself. You know, we knew about his mother's close connection with Queen Elizabeth II. It was a question, you know, would King Charles have the same relationship with the President when they have such differing views on everything from environment to a range of other things, actually. They're different men. But they did connect.

I think that's fascinating. And I think we got a real insight why that was today when the President talked about his mother saying she had a crush in a way on the young Prince Charles and how she might be looking down on today her son as president next to King Charles. So that, I think, explains a bit about why the President is so fascinated with the U.K. and with monarchy, but manages to separate that from the government and this dreadful relationship he has with Keir Starmer.

From Keir Starmer's point of view, this is a relationship which has its ups and downs. There is absolute loyalty to the United States. I think the King will express that, but it's not unconditional.

So, on Iran, they don't want to see a rerun of Iraq, where the British government supported President Bush's administration going into Iraq, which was seen as a wrong move in the U.K., very unpopular. And actually, Starmer sees Iran as his Iraq, and he just didn't want to go there. But when you hear the ties that the King will talk about, broadly, two very good friends who show up for each other.

TAPPER: Max, as long as I have you, I want to ask you, there were some comments made by the British ambassador to the United States, Chris Turner. I think he was saying them to the Financial Times, which is a British newspaper that we also read here in the U.S., which was along the lines of that he doesn't use the term special relationship to describe the United States and U.K. relationship. He thinks it's backward-looking. And he -- I'm paraphrasing here, of course, but he said something like, if the U.S. has a special relationship with a country, I think it's probably Israel.

What did you make of all that? Because I know that does actually differ from how British diplomats have talked about the U.S.-UK relationship in the past.

FOSTER: Yes, I mean, I always think that we talk about the special relationship more than America does. You know, sometimes we do question, are we, you know, America's number one, because there are other countries that obviously vie for that position as well.

In terms of that story, the way I was told it happened, you know, the Ambassador was speaking off the record to a group of students, and the FT managed to get a -- a copy of that. And it was never meant for public consumption, and it certainly doesn't represent government policy. So, I'm not sure this has gone down particularly well in government circles, because, you know, he's -- you know, from the British government's point of view, they want the U.K. to have a special relationship.

So, it was interesting that that came out today, and I don't think anyone's particularly happy that it did. So, we'll wait to see, you know, what the repercussions are from that.

TAPPER: Very interesting. And Jamie, earlier today we saw President Trump present a full military ceremony for King Charles III, notably while the U.S. is at war with Iran, this military ceremony. What do you think -- what kind of message do you think that -- that sends?

GANGEL: Well, look, I think that was about something that President Trump likes, which is to go back to the pomp and circumstance. And I think what we have to do is separate what we see here today, which Trump clearly likes and enjoys, with the fact that when this is all over, what are the chances it will really help long-term, versus will President Trump go back to blasting NATO and -- and the allies? I think that's probably likely to happen.

DAVID CHALIAN, CNN POLITICAL DIRECTOR: And the Royal Navy. I don't think ...

GANGEL: Right.

CHALIAN: ... Donald Trump had nice things to say about ...

TAPPER: No.

CHALIAN: Yes, he -- he attacked the Royal Navy. He attacked Keir Starmer.

[15:05:00] He attacked -- and let's not forget, a few months before that, he belittled the sacrifice of any non-U.S. troop in Afghanistan, which is, you know, was very horrific to a lot of grieving, what we call in this country, Gold Star Moms in the U.K. Our own Manu Raju is in the chamber and we're not going to be able to see him, but we're going to be able to hear him.

Manu, right now we're watching some images of former Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer, still in his robe, talking to former governor, now senator from Florida, Republican Rick Scott. What -- what are you seeing from your vantage point?

MANU RAJU, CNN CHIEF CONGRESSIONAL CORRESPONDENT: Yes, this is a much different field, Jake, than State of the Union addresses, especially State of the Union addresses under President Trump, including this year, where things that were much more partisan, much more tense in the room. This is much different. This is a very bipartisan -- a lot of bipartisan interactions. Members are in a much more relaxed state of mind, like when the Escort Committee was just announced to bring in King Charles into the room here, that the Democrats joined the Republicans in doing that.

They had boycotted being part of that Escort Committee under Donald Trump during his last two addresses to Congress. I don't see any members trying to make any sort of political point. Oftentimes, in these kind of speeches, when the President speaks, they have signs or pins or things like that. I'm not seeing that right now, Jake. So, this sign, perhaps, that this could be a bipartisan reception that the King gets when he addresses Congress in a matter of minutes.

TAPPER: Okay, let's listen in.

The second British monarch to address this body, following his mother, who spoke at the Capitol in 1991. The King is expected to emphasize the long history and democratic values that the U.K. shares with the U.S. And then later tonight, after this address, President Trump will host a state dinner for the royal first couple. You see him greeting there the Vice President and the Speaker of the House, putting down his speech. Let's listen in.

REP. MIKE JOHNSON (R-LA): Members of Congress, I have the high privilege and distinct honor of presenting to you His Majesty, Charles III.

KING CHARLES III: Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, members of Congress, representatives of the American people across all states, territories, cities and communities, I would like, if I may, to take this opportunity to express my particular gratitude to you all for the great honor of addressing this joint meeting of Congress. And on behalf of the Queen and myself, to thank the American people for welcoming us to the United States to mark this semi-quincentennial year of the Declaration of Independence.

[15:10:11]

And for all of that time -- and for all of that time, our destinies as nations have been interlinked. As Oscar Wilde said, we have really everything in common with America nowadays, except, of course, language. So, ladies and gentlemen, we meet in times of great uncertainty, in times of conflict from Europe to the Middle East, which pose immense challenges for the international community and whose impact is felt in communities the lengths and breadths of our own countries.

We meet too in the aftermath of the incident not far from this great building that sought to harm the leadership of your nation and to foment wider fear and discord. Let me say with unshakable resolve, such acts of violence will never succeed.

Whatever our differences, whatever disagreements we may have, we stand united in our commitment to uphold democracy, to protect all our people from harm, and to salute the courage of those who daily risk their lives in the service of our countries.

Standing here today, it is hard not to feel the weight of history on my shoulder, because the modern relationship between our two nations and our own peoples spans not merely 250 years, but over four centuries. It is extraordinary to think that I am the 19th in our line of sovereigns to study with daily attention the affairs of America.

So, I come here today with the highest respect for the United States Congress, this citadel of democracy created to represent the voice of all American people to advance sacred rights and freedoms. Speaking in this renowned chamber of debate and deliberation, I cannot help but think of my late mother, Queen Elizabeth, who, in 1991, was also afforded this signal honor and similarly spoke under the watchful eye of the Statue of Freedom above us.

Today, I am here on this great occasion in the life of our nations to express the highest regard and friendship of the British people to the people of the United States. Now, as you may know, when I address my own Parliament at Westminster, we still follow an age-old tradition and take a Member of Parliament hostage, holding him or her at Buckingham Palace until I am safely returned. These days we -- we look after our guests rather well, to the point that they often do not want to leave. I don't know, Mr. Speaker, if there are any volunteers for that role here today.

As I look back across the centuries, Mr. Speaker, there emerge certain patterns, certain self-evident truths from which we can learn and draw mutual strength. With the spirit of 1776 in our minds, we can perhaps agree that we do not always agree, at least in the first instance.

[15:15:02]

Indeed, the very principle on which your Congress was founded, no taxation without representation, was at once a fundamental disagreement between us, and at the same time a shared democratic value which you inherited from us. Ours is a partnership born out of dispute, but no less strong for it.

So, perhaps in this example, we can discern that our nations are in fact instinctively like-minded, a product of the common democratic, legal and social traditions in which our governance is rooted to this day.

Drawing on these values and traditions, time and again, our two countries have always found ways to come together. And by Jove, Mr. Speaker, when we have found that way to agree, what great change is brought about, not just for the benefit of our peoples, but of all peoples.

This, I believe, is the Special ingredient in our Relationship. As President Trump himself observed during his State Visit to Britain last Autumn, "The bond of kinship and identity between America and the United Kingdom is priceless and eternal. It is irreplaceable and unbreakable."

Mr. Speaker, this is by no means my first visit to Washington, D.C. -- the capital of this great Republic. It is in fact my 20th visit to the United States, and my first as King and Head of the Commonwealth. This is a city which symbolizes a period in our shared history, or what Charles Dickens might have called "A Tale of Two Georges": the first President, George Washington, and my five-times Great Grandfather, King George III. King George never set foot in America and, please rest assured, ladies and gentlemen, I am not here as part of some cunning rearguard action.

The Founding Fathers were bold and imaginative rebels with a cause. Two-hundred -- 250 years ago, or, as we say in the United Kingdom, just the other day -- they declared Independence. By balancing contending forces and drawing strength in diversity, they united 13 disparate colonies to forge a Nation on the revolutionary idea of "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." They carried with them, and carried forward, the great inheritance of the British Enlightenment -- as well as the ideals which had an even deeper history in English Common Law and Magna Carta.

These roots run deep, and they are still vital. Our Declaration of Rights of 1689 was not only the foundation of our constitutional Monarchy, but also provided the source of so many of the principles reiterated -- often verbatim -- in the American Bill of Rights of 1791. And those roots go even further back in our history: the U.S. Supreme Court Historical Society has calculated that Magna Carta is cited in at least 160 Supreme Court cases since 1789, not least as the foundation of the principle that executive power is subject to checks and balances.

[15:20:00]

This is the reason why there stands a stone, by the River Thames at Runnymede where Magna Carta was signed in the year 1215. This stone records that an acre of that ancient and historic site was given to the United States of America by the people of the United Kingdom, to symbolize our shared resolve in support of liberty, and in memory of President John F. Kennedy.

Distinguished members of the 119th Congress, it is here in these very halls that this spirit of liberty and the promise of America's Founders is present in every session and every vote cast. Not by the will of one, but by the deliberation of many, representing the living mosaic of the United States. In both of our countries, it is the very fact of our vibrant, diverse and free societies that gives us our collective strength, including to support victims of some of the ills that, so tragically, exist in both our societies today.

And, Mr. Speaker, for many here -- and for myself -- the Christian faith is a firm anchor and daily inspiration that guides us not only personally, but -- guides us not only personally but together as members of our community. Having devoted a large part of my life to interfaith relationships and -- and greater understanding, it is that faith in the triumph of light over darkness which I have found confirmed countless times. Through it I am inspired by the profound respect that develops as people of different faiths grow in their understanding of each other. It is why it is my hope -- my prayer -- that, in these turbulent times, working together and with our international partners, we can stem the beating of ploughshares into swords.

I am mindful that we are still in the season of Easter, the season that most strengthens my hope. It is why I believe, with all my heart, that the essence of our two Nations is a generosity of spirit and a duty to foster compassion, to promote peace, to deepen mutual understanding and to value all people, of all faiths, and of none.

The Alliance that our two Nations have built over the centuries -- and for which we are profoundly grateful to the American people -- is truly unique. And that Alliance is part of what Henry Kissinger described as Kennedy's "soaring vision" of an Atlantic Partnership based on twin pillars: Europe and America. That Partnership, I believe Mr. Speaker, is more important today than it has ever been.

The first reigning British Sovereign to set foot in America was my Grandfather, King George VI.

[15:25:00]

He visited in 1939 with my beloved Grandmother, Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother. The forces of Fascism in Europe were on the march, and some time before the United States had joined us in the defense of freedom. Our shared values prevailed.

Today, we find ourselves in a new era, but those values remain.

It is an era that is, in many ways, more volatile and more dangerous than the world to which my late Mother spoke, in this Chamber, in 1991.

The challenges we face are too great for any one Nation to bear alone. But in this unpredictable environment, our Alliance cannot rest on past achievements, or assume that foundational principles simply endure. As my Prime Minister said last month: "Ours is an indispensable partnership. We must not disregard everything that has sustained us for the last 80 years. Instead, we must build on it."

Renewal today starts with security. The United Kingdom recognizes that the threats we face demand a transformation in British defense. That is why our country, in order to be fit for the future, has committed to the biggest sustained increase in defense spending since the Cold War -- during part of which, over 50 years ago, I served with immense pride in the Royal Navy, following in the Naval footsteps of my Father, Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh; my Grandfather, King George VI; my Great-Uncle, Lord Mountbatten; and my Great-Grandfather, King George V.

This year, of course, also marks the 25th anniversary of 9/11. This atrocity was a defining moment for America and your pain and shock were felt around the whole world. During my visit to New York, my wife and I will again pay our respects to the victims, the families, and the bravery shown in the face of terrible loss. We stood with you then. And we stand with you now in solemn remembrance of a day that shall never be forgotten.

In the immediate aftermath of 9/11, when NATO invoked Article 5 for the first time, and the United Nations Security Council was united in the face of terror, we answered the call together -- as our people have done so for more than a century, shoulder to shoulder, through two World Wars, the Cold War, Afghanistan and moments that have defined our shared security.

Today, Mr. Speaker, that same, unyielding resolve is needed for the defense of Ukraine and her most courageous people -- it is needed in order to secure a truly just and lasting peace. From the depths of the Atlantic to the disastrously melting ice-caps of the Arctic, the commitment and expertise of the United States Armed Forces and its allies lie at the heart of NATO, pledged to each other's defense, protecting our citizens and interests, keeping North Americans and Europeans safe from our common adversaries.

Our defense, intelligence and security ties are hardwired together through relationships measured not in years, but in decades.

[15:30:01]

Today, thousands of U.S. service personnel, defense officials and their families are stationed ...