Return to Transcripts main page

CNN Newsroom

Pentagon Updates Crisis in Ukraine. Aired 1-1:30p ET

Aired January 28, 2022 - 13:00   ET

THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.

[13:00:30]

ANNOUNCER: This is CNN breaking news.

ANA CABRERA, CNN HOST: Hello. I'm Ana Cabrera in New York. And we are standing by for a critical press conference, America's top military advisers set to speak any moment now, as Russia and Ukraine teeter on the brink of war. We will bring you the remarks just as soon as they begin.

And we have a whole team of reporters and analysts standing by while we wait.

First, let's get to the reporting and CNN's Pentagon correspondent, Oren Liebermann.

Oren, we're about to hear from the defense secretary, Lloyd Austin, Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman General Mark Milley. What are we expecting from them?

OREN LIEBERMANN, CNN PENTAGON CORRESPONDENT: Well, first, just that we're hearing from the top two leaders at the Pentagon is a statement, in and of itself.

The last time we heard from Defense Secretary Austin, as well as General Milley, was on September 1, right after the withdrawal and evacuation from Afghanistan. So it says something about the seriousness and the significance of the moment that we will be hearing from both of these two leaders momentarily.

We're not expecting any major announcements in terms of deployments. We're not expecting an activation of the 8,500 U.S. troops that have been given the heightened alert or an announcement that troops within Europe are moving. Of course, that could change as we anticipate hearing from these two in a moment here.

But we haven't been led to believe at this point that that's what we're expecting. That being said, the Pentagon has made it clear that the first option here is always diplomacy.

So, we expect that both Austin and Milley will underscore that statement that it is efforts from the U.S. government and the State Department to lead on the diplomatic front that will be first.

But, of course, the Pentagon and the military are well aware of the situation on the Ukrainian-Russian border and the buildup of Russian forces. Will we get some more insight into the granularity there and the details of the types of forces and the options available? That's certainly what we'd like to hear, and what I expect many of the questions will focus on.

But that remains to be seen how much they will go into the detail there and about the possible options for a U.S. response or U.S. deployments in reaction to those forces -- Ana.

CABRERA: And we know, obviously, anything that they say will be heard around the world, including in Russia, including in Ukraine.

Let's go to our CNN senior international correspondent, Sam Kiley, who is lived in Kyiv.

And, Sam, Ukraine has said that there are more than 100,000 Russian troops on the border. We have heard from the Pentagon here in the U.S. that those troop numbers are growing perhaps daily. Yet, there in Ukraine, they're trying to push back on the suggestion that an invasion is imminent.

Why would Ukraine be downplaying this threat, especially if they need help from others to fend off a potential attack?

SAM KILEY, CNN SENIOR INTERNATIONAL CORRESPONDENT: Well, and I think that the there are two answers to that question, in a sense.

So, the first is that they have a different interpretation of the same intelligence. And the second is that they don't want to be delivering to the Russians a degree of premature victory in the form of economic chaos here in Ukraine.

But this is how President Zelensky spelled out the differences.

(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)

VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY, UKRAINIAN PRESIDENT: I'm the president of Ukraine. I'm based here. And I think I know the details deeper than any other president.

The question is not about the U.S. president, because we do understand what the risks are and which of those risks are priority risks. And we have discussed lots of questions. And we'd like to explain this a little bit.

It's important that the president should know the situation from me, not from the intermediaries.

(END VIDEO CLIP)

KILEY: Now, the friction there is not really necessarily so much about whether an attack is imminent or further away, although that has played into it.

It is really about the use of language which is causing consternation in the markets here. It's having an economic effect. And it's, of course, an economic effect, a weakening of the Ukrainian economy, that would be part of any Russian play in terms of the pressure that it wants to bring on Ukraine, on the international community over its attempts to stop Ukraine from joining NATO.

And it would also be a precursor to any muscle move -- Ana.

CABRERA: Everybody, stand by.

I want to bring in Director of National Intelligence, the former director, James Clapper.

Director Clapper, thanks for being here.

The Pentagon said this morning that they are not sure whether Putin has made the decision to invade.

And we will talk about this on the other side of the briefing, as it has begun. Let's listen.

(JOINED IN PROGRESS)

JOHN KIRBY, PENTAGON PRESS SECRETARY: ... covering this press conference here on Zoom. And the secretary and the chairman will be taking questions from both in the room and on Zoom.

[13:05:04]

Given the unique circumstances and, of course, the pressing -- their pressing schedules today, I would ask you to please limit your follow- up questions, so we can get a chance to get through everybody.

And I will be coming back to call it towards the end of it here, as we get ready to close.

Both the secretary and the chairman have opening statements.

I will stop talking now, so that they can deliver their opening statements, and then we will get right to questions.

Mr. Secretary.

LLOYD AUSTIN, U.S. SECRETARY OF DEFENSE: Well, thanks, John.

And thanks to everybody. I'm really glad to be with you.

I know you're covering the situation in Europe closely. So, I want to update you on what the department is doing to support Ukraine and to uphold our ironclad commitment to our NATO allies.

As you know, for months now, Russia has been deploying forces to Crimea and along Ukraine's border, including in Belarus. It has progressed at a consistent and steady pace involving tens of thousands of Russian troops. And it is being supported by increased Russian naval activity in the Northern Atlantic and the Mediterranean Sea.

While we don't believe that President Putin has made a final decision to use these forces against Ukraine, he clearly now has that capability. And there are multiple options available to him, including the seizure of cities and significant territories, but also coercive acts or provocative political acts, like the recognition of breakaway territories.

Indeed, we're seeing Russian state media spouting off now about alleged activities in the Eastern Ukraine. This is straight out of the Russian playbook. And they're not fooling us.

We remain focused on Russian disinformation, including the potential creation of pretext for further invasion or strikes on Donbass. And any Russian attack or further incursion into Ukraine would not only ignite conflict; it would also violate the bedrock principles of national sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination.

So, this is something that we're taking very seriously, both as a strong partner of Ukraine and as one of 30 members of NATO. We're unified in opposition to Russia's attempts to undermine those core values and threaten peace and security in Europe.

So, let me be clear on where things stand today. First, conflict is not inevitable. There is still time and space for diplomacy. The United States, in lockstep with our allies and partners, has offered Russia a path away from crisis and toward greater security. And the Department of Defense will continue to support those diplomatic efforts.

Second, the United States remains committed to helping Ukraine defend itself through security assistance material. Since 2014, we have committed more than $2.7 billion in security assistance to Ukraine. That includes more security assistance to Ukraine in the past year, $650 million, than at any previous time.

And so, in December, President Biden authorized $200 million in assistance, which included additional Javelins and other anti-armor weapons, grenade launchers, large quantities of artillery and small- arms ammunition and other equipment. Those deliveries are ongoing.

Indeed, another shipment -- another shipment just arrived today. And, third, the United States will stand shoulder to shoulder with our NATO allies. That includes reinforcing security on NATO's eastern flank. And, as you know, we placed thousands of U.S. troops on prepare-to- deploy orders earlier this week. If NATO activates its response forces, these troops will be ready to go.

Now, the situation on Ukraine's borders is changing rapidly. But, as we look ahead, there are a couple of things that we can count on. One, this department will continue to provide President Biden with options to defend our national security interests in response to Russian actions.

And, two, we will stay united with our NATO allies. Earlier this week, I spoke with my Polish counterpart. Yesterday, I spoke with my Romanian counterpart. And, this morning, I had two very good conversations with my counterparts in France and Germany.

[13:10:13] As we have made clear, in addition to the significant economic and diplomatic costs that Russia will incur, a move on Ukraine will accomplish the very thing Russia says it does not want, a NATO alliance, strengthened and resolved, on its western flank.

The United States will contribute to NATO's response forces. And we will coordinate with our NATO allies. And we will make sure that they have the capabilities that they need to defend themselves. Article 5 is clear on this point. An attack against one NATO member is an attack against us all.

And, as President Biden has said, the United States holds this as a sacred obligation. And we will do right by that commitment.

And Mr. Putin can do the right thing as well. There's no reason that this situation has to devolve into conflict. He can choose to de- escalate. He can order his troops away. He can choose dialogue and diplomacy.

Whatever he decides, the United States will stand with our allies and partners.

I want to briefly address two other items before we open it up for questions.

First, on Wednesday, I was honored to join the president when he signed an executive order to help us deliver on the promise that all men and women in uniform should be able to serve their country free from fear of violence or harassment.

This executive order will improve the military justice system's response to sexual assault, harassment and related crimes. And I welcome it.

And finally, as you know, yesterday, I directed changes to the department's civilian harm mitigation and response policy oversight and processes. Within 90 days, we will unveil a plan to specify the range of actions that we will take on civilian harm mitigation and response, including important steps building on knowledge and best practices and tools for preventing and mitigating and responding to civilian harm.

But I also ordered some immediate steps, including the establishment of a Civilian Harm Center of Excellence, reporting to me, that will compel us to learn from our mistakes and to make changes in stride.

I know personally how hard we work to avoid civilian harm and to abide by the law of armed conflict. But I have also said that we need to do better, and we will. This is a priority for me, and we will ensure that we are transparent as we continue this important work.

And so now I will turn it over to the chairman for his thoughts.

GEN. MARK MILLEY, CHAIRMAN, JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF: Thanks, Secretary.

And good afternoon, everyone. And I appreciate having an opportunity to address all of you.

Ukraine has the right to be independent. They have been an independent country since 1991. Russia signed the Budapest Memorandum in 1994 with the United States and Great Britain that guaranteed the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine.

It's the policy of the United States government to continue to support an independent Ukraine in their goals. And we are continuing our effort to enhance their ability to protect themselves. We strongly encourage Russia to stand down and to pursue a resolution through diplomacy. Armed force should always be the last resort. Success here is through dialogue.

The Russian Federation has amassed upwards, at this time, of over 100,000 ground forces, air forces, naval forces, special forces, cyber, electronic warfare, command-and-control, logistics, engineers, and other capabilities along the Ukraine border.

Ukraine is the second largest country in Europe, with a population of 44 million. It's divided in the middle by the River Dnieper. Prominent train includes flat, open plains. And there are an abundance of rivers and lakes, and there's a high water table.

[13:15:00]

And when that high water table freezes, it makes it for optimal conditions for cross-country trek and wheeled vehicle maneuver. The city of Kyiv has a population of nearly three million people. Other major population centers include Kharkiv, or Kharkiv, Donetsk, Odesa, Dnipro, and Lviv in the west.

There are many people in highly dense population centers throughout Ukraine. And if war were to break out on the scale and scope that is possible, the civilian population will suffer immensely.

The Ukraine military has about 150,000 active-duty service members, with many more in the reserves. They consist of multiple units, sea, air, land. And they are currently disposed and arrayed throughout Ukraine, with a high density on the eastern section and the line of contact in the Donbass region.

Ukraine has other units. And they maintain artillery, air defense, airfields, bases, depots. And they have a highly regarded territorial force and people's militia.

Their combat capabilities have improved since 2014, when Russia annexed, illegally, Crimea. But they need additional help to defend themselves, especially from an invasion force the size that Russia is currently massing.

If Russia chooses to invade Ukraine, it will not be cost-free, in terms of casualties or other significant effects. There is a small contingent of U.S. and NATO advisers and trainers currently in Ukraine. The United States has zero offensive combat weapon systems, nor any permanent forces nor bases in Ukraine. Our role is limited, in that we help train, advise and assist with

tactics, techniques and procedures. We participate in institutional development with the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense.

As the secretary of defense has noted, we continue to provide military material support to Ukraine, along with many other countries from NATO. And we are ready, capable and prepared to uphold our obligation under treaty to NATO.

As mentioned by the secretary, an attack against one NATO ally is an attack against all. NATO has significant military capability. NATO has approximately 130-plus brigades of maneuver forces, not including U.S. forces, 93 squadrons of high-end fighters, four carriers, many more surface combatants. The military capability of NATO is very, very significant.

In addition to bordering Russia and Belarus and Moldova, Ukraine has a border with four NATO members, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Romania. The president and the secretary of defense have authorized the United States military to increase our readiness in the event we have to reinforce or assist our NATO allies.

War is not inevitable, as the secretary said. The right answer here is a diplomatic solution.

I look forward to your questions.

AUSTIN: Thanks, Chairman.

We will turn to questions now.

And we will start with Lita.

QUESTION: Thank you. Thank you both for doing this.

Mr. Secretary, and, first, can you say whether any U.S. troops have begun moving either into or in and around Europe? And, if not, can you give us an idea when that might happen? And, then, secondarily, how much risk is it to send additional U.S. troops to the eastern flank?

Russia, even today, has said they see little room for compromise right now. Does sending additional U.S. forces to that region hand Putin an excuse to make an incursion into Ukraine?

AUSTIN: Well, thanks, Lita.

You know, I think you can assume that, any time that we think about troop movements, we always consider about -- we always consider the impact that that's going to have on leaders' minds and their decision- making.

I would just make two points. And you raised this earlier. We haven't actually moved any troops. We have put troops on higher alert.

[13:20:07] And the second point that I would make, Lita, is that, even if and when we do move troops, the purpose of those troops deploying would be to reassure allies or directly in support of NATO, or both.

So, I think that, again, before we make any decisions on readiness or movement of troops, we always take those things into mind, what other leaders -- the impact on other leaders.

MILLEY: Yes, I would just echo what the secretary said.

We haven't deployed anybody. We haven't moved anybody yet. We're just increasing our readiness levels.

And I think, in terms of your question about provocation with respect to Russia, that would depend on the size, scale, scope and type of forces that were deployed as to whether or not that was provocative to Russia.

We certainly had no intent whatsoever that I'm aware of, of putting offensive forces to attack Russia. And I don't think that's NATO's intent at all. This is entirely engineered by Russia and President Putin as an overt act of coercion against Ukraine.

AUSTIN: We will go to the phone now.

John, I think Helene is up, Helene Cooper.

KIRBY: Yes, sir.

AUSTIN: And so we will go to Helene next.

QUESTION: Hi. Thank you, Secretary Austin and General Milley for doing this.

I have questions for both of you.

For Secretary Austin, you said in your opening statement that Vladimir Putin clearly now has the capability to enter Ukraine. Has he put in place the military hardware and troops that he would need to launch a full-scale invasion of all of Ukraine, the whole country?

And for both you and General Milley, both of you have been military officers for four decades. You served in the Gulf War, in Iraq and Afghanistan after 9/11. You have seen North Korea and Iran pursue their own nuclear ambitions.

I am wondering, does this feel different to you? How would you characterize this crisis with Ukraine and Russia in terms of its potential to spark a great power conflict?

AUSTIN: Well, in terms of whether or not he has enough forces to conduct a full-scale invasion, Helene, you heard the chairman say earlier that he's got north of 100,000 troops in the border region.

That gives him a number of options. And what he's done is, he's continued to move troops and resources into the region. He has increased his options. And so we won't predict what his -- where his decisions will take him. But we remain concerned about the range of options that he could pursue. And we will stay focused on this problem set.

And I will turn to the chairman there for his thoughts.

MILLEY: Yes, in terms of the size of the forces that are amassed right now, they could. it's -- I mean, it's potential. We don't think there's been a decision, as the secretary already made that point.

But, sure, with 100,000 troops, and you have got combined arms formations, ground maneuver, artillery, rockets, you have got air and all the other piece parts that go with it, there's a potential that they could launch on very, very little warning. That's possible.

And there's a wide scale of options that are available to Russian leadership. And the best option they should pick, in my view, is a diplomatic solution to resolve whatever differences they have.

AUSTIN: In terms of how this feels, Helene, your second part of the question, as we look at that number of troops and that number -- that amount of hardware that's in the border region, it far and away exceeds what we typically see them do for exercises.

And so it's very concerning. Where this could lead us in terms of a type of conflict or where it could put the region in terms of future activities, I won't bother to speculate on that, Helene.

I would just say that we're focused on making sure that we do our part to provide the president options to support and reinforce NATO if, in fact, he does make a decision that -- to invade Ukraine.

MILLEY: And, Helene, does it feel different? Sure, it does feel different, in terms of what we have seen in the past of Russian exercises, et cetera.

This is larger in scale and scope and the massing of forces than anything we have seen in recent memory. And I think you would have to go back quite a while into the Cold War days to see something of this magnitude.

[13:25:04]

They do annual exercises. And we watch those closely, but this is different. So, we will continue to monitor very, very closely. But, yes, it does feel different.

AUSTIN: We will come back to the room and go out to David.

QUESTION: Since the president has ruled out sending U.S. troops into Ukraine, does that mean that the U.S. military would not be used if an evacuation of Kyiv became necessary?

AUSTIN: As you have indicated, David, the president has been real clear that he does not intend to put combat troops into Ukraine to -- for the purpose of conducting combat operations. Any troops that we deploy, if we deploy troops to the region, or those

troops that are already in the region, have multiple capabilities. And so, as we conduct our planning, we always look at a range of options that, what -- we may have to pursue.

But, again, to the point that you made earlier, David, the president has been clear about not employing troops in Ukraine for combat purposes.

QUESTION: Does that rule out using U.S. troops for evacuation purposes?

AUSTIN: I won't speculate, David, but I would say that we prepare for a range of activities and options. That's what we have always done, and that's what you can expect us to do going forward.

MILLEY: And, David, the State Department has issued out travel advisories. Those are in effect right now. And those advisories say words to the effect of, don't travel to Ukraine if you're an American citizen, and, if you're in Ukraine, you should consider leaving Ukraine.

And you can go to the State Department Web site and see what they have put up.

QUESTION: There were similar advisories before Afghanistan too, and it didn't forestall an evacuation crisis.

MILLEY: That's also correct.

AUSTIN: Rest assured, David, that whatever task the United States military is called upon to accomplish, we will be prepared to do it.

Let's go back to the phone and reach out to Phil Stewart.

Phil?

QUESTION: Yes, hi.

I have a question for both of you.

Secretary Austin, President Biden's decision to rule out deploying U.S. forces to combat Russia early in the crisis must have impacted Putin's calculus in some way. How do you assess that it's impacted his calculus? And do you have any concerns about pursuing a strategy, other than ambiguity, as far as deterrence goes?

And, to Chairman Milley, if President Biden responds by deploying U.S. troops in NATO's eastern flank or with economic sanctions, how do you anticipate that Russia would retaliate? How are you preparing for potential retaliation in Europe? And how are you preparing for potential retaliation against the homeland, perhaps by Russian use of cyber warfare?

Thank you.

AUSTIN: Thanks, Phil.

I won't speculate about what or how President Putin is thinking. I think that's been the question that everybody has. What -- if he did something like this, what would he possibly want to achieve? So, I won't speculate on that.

I would say that our focus is to make sure that, whatever happens, we are prepared to reassure our allies in the region and support NATO's efforts. And, of course, this is about NATO and the alliance.

And I would remind you that NATO is a defensive alliance. Again, you have heard the chairman talk about the resources that NATO has. And I think there are considerable resources, and, again, it's important to make sure that we keep the alliance united.

MILLEY: And, Phil, I would just echo that the uniformed U.S. military is prepared to do whatever we're directed to do.

And we are increasing our readiness postures for units. And we will be prepared to execute whatever the president and secretary of defense require of us.

With respect to your question about the homeland and cyber and all that, we have capabilities. I'm not going to go into them here at the microphone, but we have got a significant amount of capabilities to defend and do whatever is necessary to protect the homeland.

AUSTIN: OK. Let me stick with the phone here.

And I think Nancy Youssef is out there.

Nancy?

QUESTION: Thank you, sir.

I have a question for each of you.

[13:30:00]