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Trump Prepares for Second Presidency; Trump Allies Jockey for High Positions; Brian Hook to Lead State Department Transition; Saudi FM Supports Palestinian State as Only Way to Move Forward; Harris Concedes Election but Not Fight; GOP Win Complicates Biden Lame Duck Presidency; Middle East Likely to Be High on Foreign Policy Agenda; Netanyahu Praises Trump's Win as Israel Wages Two Wars; Trump Allies Prepare for Large-Scale Migrant Deportations; World's Top Biz Execs Hail Trump; Biden to Speak Soon from White House. Aired 10-11a ET
Aired November 07, 2024 - 10:00 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
BRIAN HOOK, FORMER U.S. SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR IRAN: [10:00:00]
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UNIDENTIFIED MALE (voice-over): Live from CNN Abu Dhabi, this is CONNECT THE WORLD with Becky Anderson.
BECKY ANDERSON, CNN HOST (voice-over): And welcome back. You're watching the second hour of CONNECT THE WORLD. Wherever you are watching, you are,
of course, more than welcome. I'm Becky Anderson in Abu Dhabi, where the time is 7:00 in the evening.
The United States processing a remarkable return to the White House for Donald Trump, who pledged to bring a golden age to America.
The Middle East, where I am, and the rest of the world reacting, some with enthusiasm, some with, quite frankly, veiled anxiety.
Vice President Kamala Harris conceded the election but not the fight that fueled her campaign. For now, the focus turns to Joe Biden and the
shortfalls of the Democratic Party. We will hear from him at the top of the next hour.
And Trump's campaign promise ,we're going to get them out fast. CNN has learned that his allies and some in the private sector have been quietly
prepping a mass detention and deportation plan for migrants.
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ANDERSON: Well, the eyes of the United States and the world looking ahead in some cases, bracing for a second Donald Trump presidency after his
convincing win over Vice President Kamala Harris on Tuesday.
Trump, now mulling over who to choose for high powered spots in his administration. CNN learning the first announcements could come within
days.
And unlike the start of his first presidency, when Trump chose many career diplomats to guide him into what was then uncharted political territory for
him, the new White House is expected to be full of Trump loyalists, less likely to challenge any of what are, to many, his controversial decisions.
Were all backed by a Republican controlled Senate and likely a Republican controlled House. It looks like this could be the full sweep for Trump and
the Republican Party.
In his analysis online, CNN Politics senior reporter and good friend of this show, Stephen Collinson writes, "Donald Trump believes presidents have
almost absolute power. In his second term, there will be few political or legal restraints to check him."
Stephen Collinson joins me now from Washington.
What will be the consequence of that?
STEPHEN COLLINSON, CNN WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: Well, how is Donald Trump going to be constrained?
We know from experience he doesn't constrain himself, which is one of the ways in which presidents in the past have stayed within the bounds of the
Constitution and the law.
Even if there's a Democratic house, which seems quite unlikely, as votes are still counted, what are they going to do?
Are they going to impeach him again?
He's already been impeached twice, which is the constitutional remedy for an overreach by a president and a step into beyond the bounds of law.
Trump has been impeached twice. It didn't do anything to him. It didn't stop him coming back to power. So that is one area where Trump will be able
to act pretty much how he likes.
We recently had a Supreme Court ruling, granting the president quite a lot of immunity legally for official acts committed while they are in office.
This arose out of Trump's election meddling case, which also is now going to go away.
So Trump has extreme constitutional and legal latitude here. He's expanded the Office of the Presidency, which was already very powerful. And it's
very difficult to see, in the next four years, armed now with a big mandate from the American people, how he could be reined in in any way.
ANDERSON: It's good to have you, sir.
Stephen Collinson is in the house for you folks.
I'm going to move on, Stephen, but have a listen to this next conversation. We don't have much detail on how Trump will pursue his foreign policy in
the face of two international wars that the United States is now sort of deeply involved in.
But he has suggested that his national security team, however it shapes up, will be tasked with reassessing the United States' position toward Ukraine
and Russia, China, Iran and, indeed, the conflict in the Middle East.
[10:05:12]
Now sources tell CNN that Brian Hook will be leading the transition team at the State Department.
Hook served as a top State Department official during the first Trump administration, as the U.S. envoy to Iran and adviser to then-secretary of
state Mike Pompeo from 2018 to 2020. He was also a key architect of the Abraham Accords with Jared Kushner, the deals that saw Israel normalize
relations with four Arab states.
Well, I haven't spoken to Brian Hook for some time. It's good to have him back on the show, joining us now from Washington, D.C.
Sir, I have to ask you, given that we are only working on sources at this point, will you be leading the transition team at the State Department?
BRIAN HOOK, FORMER U.S. SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR IRAN: I don't have any comment on that. Howard Lutnick and Lynda McMahon are leading it for
president Trump and he has made two great choices in them.
Becky, you mentioned policy in the region. President Trump prioritized the Middle East in his first term and he was very successful at, I think,
restoring stability and prosperity in the region.
I think it's quite significant that, the day after his historic win, he had conversations with the leaders of Saudi Arabia, UAE, Israel and Egypt. And
so these were day one phone calls.
And as, Becky, as you know, the president, president Trump's first foreign trip was to the Middle East. And as a consequence of a great strategy
toward the Middle East, focusing on shared interests, he was able to, I think, make a number of significant accomplishments that the leaders in the
region all recognize as successful.
And so he has a lot of friendships in the region with leaders, those friendships have, I think, are only going to deepen and I think the
cooperation and the bonds of friendship, security and commerce are all going to be much better in --
(CROSSTALK)
ANDERSON: Right.
HOOK: -- in the coming years.
ANDERSON: So let's talk about policy on the Middle East very specifically then, because this is a different place, to a degree, than it was back in
2020, when you were successful in bringing about the Abraham Accords with four Arab states and were looking toward normalization with the key sort of
trophy, Saudi Arabia.
Since then, of course, we have had the conflict roiling since the terror attack on Israel back on October the 7th.
Two wars raging in region, one on Gaza, one in Lebanon; attacks between Israel and Iran and a Gulf which, frankly, is getting extremely tired with
conflict, wants to see de-escalation, economic integration and to move on from this cycle of containment.
So what is Donald Trump's policy on the Middle East?
Can you be clear at this point?
All we've heard at this point is there won't be any wars. There will be peace in the Middle East. That sounds very basic to many people here.
So what is his policy?
HOOK: Well, Becky, everything that you just described about today's Middle East, you could have said in 2020. When president Trump came into office,
you had a terrorist caliphate in the heart of the Middle East. You had our Gulf partners feeling betrayed by the Iran nuclear deal. And you had
increased attacks by Iranian proxies.
President Trump came to the Middle East in Riyadh at that Arab Muslim summit; 55 nations were there. And he laid out a very coherent strategy for
how we are going to focus on shared interests.
We're going to combat ideologies that are killing not only American troops in the region but also citizens of Arab and Muslim nations. And we're going
to do that in a spirit of friendship and partnership.
And so, over the course of those four years, he executed against that strategy, defeated ISIS, put Iran in a political and financial crisis,
deepened his ties with Israel, deepened his ties with our Gulf partners, got out of the Iran nuclear deal and did four peace treaties in five
months.
I would be very happy to put president Trump's record in the Middle East against any other president.
ANDERSON: The balance of power, sir, has changed significantly, though since 2020.
[10:10:00]
Primarily, you know, many would argue as a result of Israel's actions against Hamas and Hezbollah and its most recent action against the military
sites in Iran.
We also have a completely different story on the ground in Gaza, a humanitarian catastrophe, which the Saudi Arabians are holding out against
the Israelis, as signs of, if not genocide, and are absolutely determined that a two state solution has to be on the table before they even consider
the idea of normalization.
Where shall we start?
Let's talk about a solution to the Gaza crisis.
First and foremost, do you have any further insight into how Donald Trump is going to stop that conflict successfully and provide a pathway to an
independent Palestinian state?
HOOK: I think a lot of what you just described, Becky, is a consequence of a failure of deterrence. And if the United States, working with our Gulf
partners in Israel are not able to deter Iran and its proxies, you have war and violence and bloodshed in the Middle East.
And if you take a policy of appeasement and accommodation with Iran and increase the daylight between America's partners, calling countries pariahs
and lecturing them on how they're supposed to live, you lose deterrence.
And if nobody believes that you have a credible threat of military force, then you're going to lose deterrence.
And so I think president Trump, as he demonstrated during the four years of his first term, weakened Iran economically and militarily and weakened its
proxies. And he deepened his alliances with Israel and Gulf partners. And if you do that, it's a winning formula.
If you do the opposite, which is the policy of the Biden administration, you have the Middle East that you just accurately described, Becky.
ANDERSON: So what does that look like going forward, then, for a Trump administration?
You're slightly swerving my very specific questions about policy going forward. Both Trump and Vance have said that they don't want war with Iran.
We know the balance of power has shifted, though.
What does that policy look like?
Are you going after, for example, another policy of maximum pressure?
And do you expect Donald Trump to be after regime change, for example?
What does it look like?
What will what will the U.S. policy under Trump and Vance look like with regard Iran?
HOOK: Well, I think, look, Becky, president Trump's foreign policy is hiding in plain sight. And I'm not swerving any of your answers. I just
think that it's fairly obvious what he did in the first term.
And it's obvious, you know, that that he isolated Iran and he weakened Iran economically. And you talked about a regional balance of power shifting.
Israel has had enormous success against Hamas and Hezbollah, which are two terrorist proxies of Iran, Muslim brotherhood offshoots.
And part of the sort of extremist ideology that president Trump worked with leaders in Saudi Arabia and UAE and Egypt to combat. I have no reason to
think that he won't do that again. And he was very successful at it.
The leaders in the region that I described enjoyed working with president Trump and I think that they're looking forward to him coming back into
office. In fact, I'm sure of it.
ANDERSON: They have, though, now, you know, somewhat normalized relations with Tehran, which was absolutely not the case, of course, back between
2016 and 2020. In fact, you know, Gulf states tell me repeatedly that they want to see a new architecture.
And, you know, perhaps this is keep your friends close and your enemies closer to a degree. But you know, Saudi has normalized relations
effectively with Iran. Perhaps we call it a rapprochement. Call it what you will.
So has the UAE. And it is diplomatically back in bed and doing a lot of business with Iran.
Do you expect the Gulf countries to support a further policy of maximum pressure, for example, further escalation between Israel and Iran, if that
is what Donald Trump is supporting?
HOOK: President Trump understands that the chief driver of instability in today's Middle East is the Iranian regime.
And the Gulf is, I think, the most sort of economically dynamic and culturally vibrant region in the world today.
[10:15:05]
And this sort of extremism and revolutionary ideology that the Iranian regime exports is one of the obstacles, right, to continuing on this good
path. And when the United States decides to seek accommodation with Iran, it then creates the space for other countries to do the same.
But in my personal experience, I know that, when we deter the Iranian regime, you have the countries that you described, who are on the front
lines of Iranian aggression, doing everything they can to be a part of that deterring Iran.
President Trump has no interest in regime change. The future of Iran will be decided by the Iranian people. I think we've said that repeatedly over
four years.
But what president Trump did say in Riyadh was that we will -- he would isolate Iran diplomatically and weaken them economically so that they can't
fund all of the violence that's going with the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas, Hezbollah, PIJ and these proxies that run around Iraq and Syria today, all
of whom destabilize Israel and our Gulf partners.
ANDERSON: Right.
Would Donald Trump support any Israeli action targeting either the oil installations in Iran or, indeed, the regime leadership itself?
HOOK: That's a very speculative question that, I mean, I'm going to let -- president Trump will sort of make these decisions in his sort of sovereign
capacity as a leader who believes in America first, putting American citizens first.
But because he is a president who very much believes in shared interests and common security, he's a great partner for leaders in the Middle East
because they like that framework.
I remember president Trump said in Riyadh, it's not the role of the United States to tell other people how to live and to lecture them and to impose
our way of life on them.
But if you want to work with the United States on common interests and common security, he's a fantastic partner. And the leaders in the region
understand that.
ANDERSON: Where will his first trip be this time do you expect?
It was, of course, Saudi and Riyadh back in 2017, wasn't it?
HOOK: Yes. His first trip overseas as president was to Saudi. But then after that, he went to Israel and then he went to the Vatican. And so I
thought it was a nice symmetry that these -- that these three countries, who share sort of common father and faith in Abraham, then four years
later, we had the Abraham Accords.
So this is something which president Trump cares deeply about. He loves the Middle East, loves the people of the Middle East and very much thinks that
there's so many overlapping interests.
And I think that if you're interested in pursuing the kind of things that the president wants to -- and I know the leaders in the region, there's so
much overlapping interest -- we can get a lot done. If you focus on ideology and lecturing people, you lose deterrence and you don't get much
done in the region.
ANDERSON: Last week I spoke to the Saudi foreign minister in Riyadh. I was at the FII. And we talked, amongst other things, about the prospect of
normalization with Israel. This is what His Highness Faisal bin Farhan told me. Have a listen.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
FAISAL BIN FARHAN AL SAUD, SAUDI FOREIGN MINISTER: Normalization with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is not just at risk. It is off the table until we
have a resolution
to Palestinian statehood.
But I would say more than that. I would say that it is not just the issue of normalization with the Kingdom that is at risk. I would say that the
security of the region as a whole is at risk if we do not address the rights of the Palestinians, if we do not find a way to a pathway that leads
us to a Palestinian state.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
ANDERSON: Do you expect Donald Trump, and whoever is his secretary of state going forward, to be willing to pursue Palestinian statehood for a
deal?
HOOK: If you look at the really important work that Jared Kushner did when he was essentially leading so much of the diplomacy in the Middle East, he
put forward a political and economic vision for peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians that many Arab governments officially said was a
credible, good faith effort.
And they called for both sides to come to the table. That plan, which Israel endorsed, had a path to a two state solution. This war, the October
7th attack by Hamas, has really not put anybody in much of a mood to be talking about this subject.
[10:20:04]
Because obviously Hamas doesn't believe in a two state solution nor do they want a ceasefire. And after what Hamas did on October 7th, there are many
Israelis right now who are focused on other things, specifically keeping them safe from this kind of evil terrorism that they endured on October
7th.
And so I think that, if you look at the plan that Jared put forward during the first term, that has all of the elements that Prince Faisal discussed
in his interview with you. And I'm confident that that sort of thinking and working with the Palestinians and the Israelis, as much as circumstances
will allow, are going to do a lot.
We have no plan, not one plan from the Biden administration on peace between Israel and Palestine. But we put out, we put forward many hundreds
of pages of economic and political vision for peace between them. And I think so much of that work is still relevant today.
ANDERSON: Well, it will be interesting to see what happens next, whether just dusting off that peace plan written up by Kushner will be sufficient
for the likes of, for example, the Saudis going forward.
They, of course, have a number of bilateral deals on the table with the U.S. that they are keen to get signed. But that issue of normalization, of
course, is, is key. Looking forward to seeing how things -- how things develop. Brian, it's good to have you. Very much looking forward to
speaking to you going forward.
For the time being, thank you very much indeed for making yourself available.
Thanks, sir.
Still to come, top Democrats are calling on their party to do some soul searching after election defeat. A closer look at that is up next.
And a look at the presidential transition and some of the names Donald Trump is eyeing to fill key roles in the White House. More on that is
coming up.
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ANDERSON: Well, now that Donald Trump has won the U.S. Presidential election, Kamala Harris is urging her supporters to hold on to the values
that drove her campaign and to keep fighting.
During Wednesday's concession speech in Washington, she formally acknowledged her loss to Trump and did something that well, frankly, he
refused to do after the 2020 election and accept the results.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
KAMALA HARRIS (D), VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: A fundamental principle of American democracy is that, when we lose an election, we
accept the results. That principle, as much as any other, distinguishes democracy from monarchy or tyranny. And anyone who seeks the public trust
must honor it.
[10:25:00]
HARRIS: At the same time in our nation we owe loyalty not to a president or a party but to the Constitution of the United States and to our God. My
allegiance to all three is why I am here to say, while I concede this election, I do not concede the fight that fueled this campaign.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
ANDERSON: Well, President Joe Biden is set to make his first public remarks following Donald Trump's victory. That will be next hour. CNN's
Arlette Saenz joining us now from the White House.
And many critics of Kamala out there will be saying that it was the Biden administration that really cost her the presidency. Ultimately, of course,
there were other factors at play.
But as the -- as the dust begins to settle, what is the perception where you are?
ARLETTE SAENZ, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Well, in the last 48 hours, there really has been a lot of soul searching, questioning within the Democratic Party
over the messaging and strategy.
But there are many Democrats who are placing the blame for the loss in this election squarely at President Biden's feet.
There is some frustration from some in the party with the fact that Biden decided to run for a second term at all, announcing that reelection bid
when he was 80 years old, at a time when polling had shown that Americans disapproved of his time in office and also had questions real concerns
about his age.
And then there was the fact that, when he finally did bow out of the race after that halting debate performance against Trump, that he did so,
leaving with the incoming nominee with just over 100 days to run this campaign.
Now, of course, there is the view within Biden world that this is not just the president's fault, that there is other factors at play. But there is
also concern about some of the policies that had been enacted and the messaging around that as inflation and the economy continue to top
Americans' concerns heading into this election.
One big question heading into President Biden's upcoming speech is whether he will try to address any of -- any of that, of what exactly went wrong
for Democrats in this election. Advisers say that he is expected to talk about the results of the election, trying to bring the country forward but
also focusing on that transition period.
His advisers have said President Biden remains committed to ensuring that there is a peaceful transfer of power, something that was not afforded to
him by former president Donald Trump back in 2020. So they want to make sure that they are moving forward with that.
Biden has called Trump to congratulate him and invite him here to the White House, a meeting that sources say could happen as soon as next week. But
there will be a lot of questions facing not just the Democratic Party but also President Biden about the path forward for Democrats.
And he right now is facing the very real reality that his legacy could very well be shaped by this election. And the fact that the man that he had
defeated back in 2020, who had really sparked his whole reason for running back in 2020, will now be returning to the White House next year.
ANDERSON: In many ways, this transition period, of course, is a time when a president shifts into the lame duck president era.
But for Joe Biden, frankly, he's already been in that, hasn't he?
How is that?
How is that?
How is he coping and those around him dealing with that?
SAENZ: Yes. You know, the White House says that they still have so much more work to do in the coming months. But as you noted, he has been in this
lame duck presidency basically since mid-summer.
The president has really been hampered by the fact that there is not much more that he can get done while in office.
Now one thing that they have been trying to keep in mind is trying to take these steps to safeguard some of those initiatives that former president
Donald Trump -- or president elect Donald Trump, I should say -- could try to undo if he takes office.
They are hoping to try to rush the remaining aid available to Ukraine as the future of American support for Ukraine remains in question. They want
to ensure that they are implementing as much as they can from pieces of legislation like the infrastructure law, the CHIPS manufacturing law as
well.
And then President Biden himself, actually, next week, will be heading to a pair of summits in South America that will put him in front of many of the
world leaders he has worked with over the past four years, at a time when those world leaders are also grappling with what a Trump presidency will
mean.
So these are all issues facing President Biden in these closing days in office, both here at home but also on the world stage.
[10:30:03]
ANDERSON: Yes, And let's be quite frank, many in that G20 meeting are from the global south.
And many of those will be -- have been congratulating Donald Trump and will be celebrating this Donald Trump presidency going forward. It will be
interesting to see what sort of reception Joe Biden gets.
Still ahead --
Thank you, Arlette.
-- you're watching CONNECT THE WORLD, of course. Some old faces but some new challenges for Donald Trump in the Middle East. What we could see in
his second term.
That's just ahead.
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ANDERSON: You're back with us, watching CONNECT THE WORLD. I'm Becky Anderson, just after 7:30 here in the UAE.
If you're stateside and on the East Coast, you will know it is just after half past 10.
Israeli strikes lit up the skies over a southern Beirut suburb, an Hezbollah stronghold overnight. Some landed near Beirut's international
airport. That came after Hezbollah said it fired a barrage of rockets at Israel; 40 people were killed in strikes in Lebanon's Baalbek region on
Wednesday.
Local officials there called it a bloody and very difficult day.
Well, Donald Trump has repeatedly said he wants to bring peace to the region in Gaza. He's called on Israel to finish the job against Hamas but
he hasn't exactly said how. If his first term was any sign, Trump will likely keep the Middle East high on his agenda but things have changed a
lot since 2016.
Let's talk about this further with Ali Vaez, Iran project director for the International Crisis Group and with Firas Maksad of the Middle East
Institute.
You're both based in the United States. Having sort of let the dust settle over what has been a sort of very conclusive election for Donald Trump, it
looks as if he may get both houses in Congress as well.
What might we expect going forward?
Firas, first from you.
What do you make of anything we know of his Middle East policy at this point?
FIRAS MAKSAD, DIRECTOR OF OUTREACH, MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE: Becky, it's good to be here with you and with Ali, too.
I think, listen, when it comes to the Middle East, there's this general sense out there that the return of Donald Trump means a return to a maximum
pressure campaign against Iran and a much more hawkish approach to push back against American -- America's adversaries in the region.
[10:35:04]
And the reality is, it's much more nuanced. We have two camps under that tent, that that tent of Donald Trump. There are the isolationists there,
like the former Director of National Intelligence, Eric (ph) Grenell, others like Tucker Carlson also.
And then you have the foreign policy hawks like Brian Hook, who you just had on your show, and Mike Pompeo, who is angling to be Secretary of
Defense.
We're going to have to wait and see. As you know, in Washington, they say personnel is policy. So we're going to have to wait and see who gets
appointed to what key foreign policy position.
But I think it's important to point out that there are these two competing tent -- trends within the Donald Trump campaign.
ANDERSON: Yes, the neocons, the more hawkish sort of approach to the region, not least Iran.
And then those that you might consider, I guess, on the more moderate sort of end of action.
Ali, let me bring you in here because, during Trump's first presidency, of course, he significantly intensified pressure on Iran, which experts say
increased its isolation and crippled its economy.
The Iranian foreign minister said today that the U.S. election provides -- and I quote him here -- "opportunities for revisiting and reconsidering
unjust and ill-suited approaches."
You might say, he would say that, wouldn't he?
What's the sense in Tehran, is it clear?
I mean, how much concern is there about what happens next?
ALI VAEZ, CRISIS GROUP'S IRAN PROJECT: Becky, it's great to see you and be here with Firas.
Look, the reality is that Iranians are in a particularly vulnerable position on the one hand. Iran obviously has witnessed a series of
upheavals in the past few years and the regime's legitimacy, I think, is at its lowest point in decades.
And that, to many people in the Trump administration, who have been dreaming of regime change in Iran, is a very attractive prospect for
doubling down on a pressure centric policy toward the Iranian regime.
Iran economically is in more trouble than it was when president Trump withdrew from the nuclear deal with Iran in 2018. And Iran in the region is
weaker than ever because Hezbollah is on its knees and Hamas is -- has been significantly degraded.
But on the other hand, in 2018, when Trump withdrew from the deal, Iran had basically -- Iran's nuclear program was rolled back and put in a box and
under very heavy monitoring.
And as a result of Trump's withdrawal from that deal, that program was put in a microwave (ph). And Iran is now closer than ever to the verge of
nuclear weapons. And so it has more leverage.
And we have to see what kind of balance we will end up in the Trump administration as Firas said in terms of personnel. But I fear that
president Trump is too wrapped in a anti-Islamic Republic ecosystem to be able to side with those who are advocating for de-escalation, deal making.
ANDERSON: Firas, let me bring you back in here. What we do know, as we await to see what policy is implemented in the region, what we do know is
that the balance of power here has frankly changed significantly.
And the degradation of Hamas and Hezbollah on the part of the Israelis and the attack on Iran's military infrastructure has very much shifted the
balance of power. Benjamin Netanyahu, of course, was quick to congratulate Donald Trump on his election win, who, as we know, has stated he wants the
war in Gaza to be over.
Something that might thrust Netanyahu's legal cases back into the limelight.
How will Donald Trump deal with this relationship with the Israeli prime minister?
Has he -- has he -- has he made any indications at this point it is any different than the sort of, you know, brofest they've had in the past?
MAKSAD: Yes. Well, Becky, first let me make the point that we still have about 2.5 months of the Biden administration and that's -- that could prove
to be a crucial transition period. Although we keep referring to it as a lame duck.
And one of the things, the surprises that I anticipate we might be -- we might see is a megadeal between the Biden administration and Saudi Arabia,
perhaps short of the previously conceived normalization between the two countries.
But in a less for less approach, we might nonetheless see a deal that sees a major defense commitment short of a treaty with Saudi Arabia in return
for cooperation on civil nuclear, on AI, strategic AI, and strategic tech and a whole bunch of other issues.
[10:40:12]
So I think there are still surprises when it comes to the Gulf and potentially also when it comes to the war in Gaza and Lebanon. Of course,
we're still anticipating an Iranian response to the Israeli response. And so there is also the potential for a major conflagration between Iran and
Israel in the region in these crucial 2.5 months.
Now when it comes to Donald Trump, I would say that it's much easier said than done when he promises to end these wars.
I think President Biden learned the hard way that the local actors, i.e. Benjamin Netanyahu on one hand, who's got a whole bunch of complicated
domestic politics and personal considerations to deal with, but also Hamas and Hezbollah, they have more agency than many think.
And I think, therefore, president Trump will have a difficult time putting a lid on these conflicts. And I think they're going to be with us for quite
some time. This crucial 2.5 month period in the transition I think has set the stage for that.
ANDERSON: That's fascinating.
Ali, just very briefly and finally, the Gulf states have somewhat normalized relations with Iran since the last Trump administration, since
the maximal -- the maximum pressure that the U.S. brought to bear on Tehran.
I just wonder whether there is concern in Tehran, whether your sources are getting any sort of sense that these warmer relations between, for example
Saudi and the UAE, could get very much more frosty very quickly.
If the Saudis and the UAE decide that keeping your friends close and your enemies closer is not doing them any favors going forward.
VAEZ: That's another fascinating dynamic, Becky.
If you remember in Trump's first term, Iran's relations with Gulf countries was very bad. It was very good with the Europeans, who were pushing back
against Trump's maximum pressure policy.
Now it's the other way around. Iran's relations with the Europeans is really in a dark place and the Gulf countries have much better ties with
Iran. I think what the Iranians are hoping for is that the Gulf states will play a moderating role in trying to limit the level of harm that the Trump
administration is going to inflict upon Iran.
Because they have learned the hard way that they could become collateral damage and they could be caught in the crossfire between Iran and the
United States if the tensions continue to escalate.
ANDERSON: It's always good to have you both, regular guests on this show. Your insight and analysis, of course, is so important to us. And it's, as I
say, good to have you as the dust begins to settle.
As you rightly point out, for us, we've got 2.5 months before this transfer of power. A lot can be achieved. A lot can happen in that time and we will
continue to chat as we move through this year and into what will be a new era of U.S. politics. Thank you both.
Well, as we've been reporting, some people in the region where I am have been celebrating Donald Trump's win. The Israeli military today says one of
its soldiers will be disciplined after this video of him celebrating Trump's win by firing an automatic grenade launcher into what is an already
destroyed area in Gaza. This circulated online.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: This is on the occasion of Donald Trump's presidency.
God bless America. God bless Israel.
Whoo!
Well, the military said, quote, "the soldier's actions are severe and do not align with the values and orders of the IDF."
You're watching CONNECT THE WORLD. I'm Becky Anderson for you. We will be right back.
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ANDERSON: Well, even before the election, allies of Donald Trump were drawing up plans for the mass detention and deportation of migrants in the
U.S. Well, now officials at the Department of Homeland Security are bracing for a major shift in border policy.
One of Trump's advisers told CNN's Anderson Cooper what would happen first.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
BRYAN LANZA, SENIOR ADVISER, TRUMP 2024 CAMPAIGN: There's going to be a staged process. There's going to be a phase in. The easiest people to
target are the criminals, the people who here have committed violent crimes illegally that are still here.
You know, that's going to be step one. And once we sort of understand what step -- once we sort of understand how step one moves forward, we'll
understand -- we'll move to the next layer.
But let's be clear to the American people, we are going to deport illegal aliens who have broken our laws and who have been violent to our people.
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ANDERSON: Well, CNN's Priscilla Alvarez joining us with more .
What are you learning about Trump's plans where the border is concerned?
It sounds like they want to be ready on day one.
Correct?
PRISCILLA ALVAREZ, CNN WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: Well, remember that, in 2016, Donald Trump's fixation was on the border wall.
This time around, though, it was a little different. This is on interior enforcement. This is about arresting and detaining those undocumented
immigrants who are already in the United States.
Now to do that, there needs to be a lot of preparation. And that is exactly what was quietly happening behind the scenes, both among Trump allies and
some in the private sector.
The private sector, because the federal government often relies on contractors to help manage and build these facilities. And so they have
been quietly preparing, with discussing what the possibility of this could look like.
And now sources tell me they are expecting that to ramp up. Now, a key component of any type of mass deportation plan is going to be detention
space, because whoever they arrest, they need to put them somewhere.
And so the federal government has, over the last several years, been quite limited in how much detention space they have. Only tens of thousands. But
still far less than where many in the incoming Trump administration would want that number to be.
Now even so, even contractors are lined up and there are some who are. Money is going to be critical to this. This is going to be an expensive
operation. Previous analysis has shown that it costs nearly $11,000 just to arrest, detain, process and remove one individual, plus whatever it would
cost to fly them out to their home country.
So certainly this is an expensive endeavor. Officials say they are preparing for that. Now at the Homeland, the Department of Homeland
Security, they -- it has been has been a mixed bag of emotions. They are no strangers to whiplash when it comes to immigration policy.
And they're certainly bracing for what this could look like.
ANDERSON: Good to have you. Thank you.
Ahead on CONNECT THE WORLD, some of the richest people on the planet are getting even richer.
Why?
Well, it's got something to do with the U.S. election. I will explain up next, stay with us.
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ANDERSON: Well, some of the richest people in the world are congratulating Donald Trump on his election victory.
Among them, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. In a post on X, he calls Trump's win "an extraordinary political comeback."
Well, according to Bloomberg News on Wednesday, the world's 10 richest people, including Bezos and Elon Musk, saw their collective wealth soar by
-- get this -- $64 billion as share prices rose on the back of the election result. It's the $64 billion question.
Who do you hope wins this election?
It's important to note Elon Musk donated more than $100 million to support Trump's campaign.
So what does Trump's victory mean for the world's richest person?
CNN's Brian Todd has that story for you.
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DONALD TRUMP, U.S. PRESIDENT-ELECT: We have a new star. A star is born. Elon.
BRIAN TODD, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): A victorious Donald Trump effusively thanking billionaire Elon Musk for his support.
TRUMP: He's a character. He's a special guy. He's a super genius.
TODD (voice-over): It's no wonder Trump is grateful. Musk went all in.
MARK PRESTON, CNN SENIOR POLITICAL ANALYST: We've never seen a media baron in this age of social media, somebody who owns one of the most influential
social media platforms, become so involved with one person.
TODD (voice-over): Musk has spent at least $118 million for Trump and gave away $1 million a day to supporters. Musk also stumped for Trump and
inundated X, the platform he owns, with a torrent of pro-Trump posts and misinformation.
LAURA BARRON-LOPEZ, WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT, PBS NEWS HOUR: He has millions of followers on X on social media and he has also spread Donald
Trump's baseless lies about the election.
TODD (voice-over): Someone, who says he voted for Hillary Clinton and for Joe Biden, now at Trump's side on election night and posting, "The future
is going to be so" fire emoji.
What does Trump's victory mean for Musk?
SARA FISCHER, CNN SENIOR MEDIA ANALYST: He'll definitely have Donald Trump's ear.
TODD (voice-over): Trump has said Musk will be an influential voice in his government, tasked with downsizing the government by $2 trillion a year.
Why would Trump tap Musk?
TRUMP: You, you're the greatest cutter. They go on strike and you say, that's OK, you're all gone.
TODD (voice-over): Musk posted a meme showing himself in the Oval Office with the words, let that sink in. But Trump says Musk won't be a cabinet
secretary.
TRUMP: I mean, I'd love to have him, to be honest with you but he doesn't want to.
TODD (voice-over): One possible obstacle.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Two clear conflicts of interest. He receives massive amounts of federal contracts from the federal government.
TODD (voice-over): Musk's companies, primarily SpaceX, had $3 billion in government contracts last year, according to a tally by "The New York
Times."
Could Musk's profits grow, thanks to his ties to Trump?
FISCHER: For Elon Musk, there are some very obvious policy benefits if he can get in with the administration.
TODD (voice-over): Musk's platform X could also benefit as a major hub of MAGA online and Tesla saw its stock price jump almost 15 percent after
Trump's win, even though it has barely any contracts with the government.
The two fellow billionaires have similar views on immigration, deregulation, free speech, gun rights and conspiracy theories. But --
FISCHER: Donald Trump and Elon Musk both have track records of having very close relationships turn sour very quickly. If for some reason, one
delivers on the relationship more than the other or one thinks that they're not getting as much of it out of the other, that's when I can see the egos
clashing.
TODD: Elon Musk said during a livestream on X that his PAC would keep going beyond this election and would weigh in, quote, "heavily" on future
elections.
As the world's richest man, Musk certainly has the means to back that up -- Brian Todd, CNN, Washington.
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ANDERSON: Well, that's it for CONNECT THE WORLD. I'm Becky Anderson. From the team working with me here in the UAE, it is a very good evening. Stay
with CNN as U.S. President Joe Biden gets set to address the nation and the world after his vice president, Kamala Harris, was defeated in the U.S.
Presidential election.
[10:55:00]
What -- we expect that to happen shortly. "CNN NEWSROOM" will have that. And that is up next. Stay with us.
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