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UAE to Withdraw from OPEC; U.S.-Israel War with Iran; White House to Welcome King Charles III and Queen Camilla. Aired 10-11a ET
Aired April 28, 2026 - 10:00 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
[10:00:00]
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UNIDENTIFIED MALE (voice-over): This is CNN breaking news.
BECKY ANDERSON, CNN HOST (voice-over): Welcome to the second hour of the show from our Middle East programming headquarters. I'm Becky Anderson in
Abu Dhabi, where the time is just after 6:00 in the evening. Let's get straight to our breaking news.
A dramatic shift in the global oil market, which has already been rattled, of course, by the Iran war. The United Arab Emirates now says it is
quitting OPEC, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, effective on Friday.
A statement read on the state-run news agency WAM, that the decision aligns with the UAE's, quote, "long-term strategic and economic vision."
The move comes as the oil producers group has been struggling to move shipments, of course, through the Strait of Hormuz. Joining me now is the
UAE minister of energy, Suhail Al Mazroui.
Sir, thank you for joining us.
Firstly, can you just walk us through this decision?
SUHAIL AL MAZROUI, MINISTER OF ENERGY, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES: Sure. it's great to be with you, Becky. Of course UAE have a very careful review of
its policies. Looking at us as we became today a global investor in the hydrocarbon chain, there we've been looking at all of our policies and had
a careful look at it.
Looking at what is happening as well to the Strait of Hormuz and the level of withdrawal from the strategic reserve, this would require a different
move. This would require us to look at the future with an eye on growth.
And we need, as the whole world needs more energy, we need to be unconstrained. We need to be looking at it from a perspective that serves
not only the producers but also looking at it from a perspective of looking at helping the consuming nations.
Many of those nations' companies are investing with us and trusting to invest with us here in the UAE. We would like to make sure that we are
agile, we are nimble and we are fast in making the right decisions to balance our policies.
And this is a review policy. It took a, as I said, a long term where timing is very important. And the timing, we believe, is right because it will not
impact significantly the market and the price because the Strait of Hormuz is closed and it's restricted.
So everyone is constrained, including us. But taking the decision now will help all of our friends, the producers, to not feel the pressure on the
prices.
ANDERSON: So can you just explain for our viewers what it was about membership of OPEC that constrained the UAE in terms of oil production,
investment, investors and consumers?
AL MAZROUI: Well, the being part of any group has its own limitations because you need to work with them to what is good to everyone and good for
the market. We highly respect both OPEC and OPEC+. We worked with them and we've been a very effective member since we joined 50 years we're talking.
The world is changing, Becky. And the decision needs to be fast enough for an economy like the economy of UAE. We are a flourishing economy. We are a
economy of speed. We are living in the age of AI and the decision making for us need to be fast enough.
Owning the decision and moving fast is something that is crucial for our future and that is critical in this policy change.
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We want to be able to help OPEC and OPEC Group as an independent producer and we will be working with all of the producers worldwide, to ensure that
enough resources are available to the -- to the necessity of the whole world and the world economy.
ANDERSON: You say security risks, particularly in the Strait of Hormuz of late -- I guess you're talking about the last eight weeks -- helped
accelerate this decision. And you say this is about -- very specifically about the UAE's national interest at the end of the day. And you've
explained how OPEC membership constrains you to a degree.
Did the UAE inform OPEC leader Saudi Arabia before it made this decision?
And how has Saudi Arabia responded?
AL MAZROUI: Well, as you know, Becky, this is a sovereign national decision that is every state has the right to take. And it's been taken
after a long review of our policies. Of course, we send the terms today to both his royal highness, Prince -- Abdulaziz is the chair as well as we
send it to also Alexander Novak of Russia, who's a co-chair.
And we send it as well to the president of OPEC. There is a process that we are following. And the -- this is not a political decision. This is a pure
policy position. And repositioning us to be in front of the world, taking the right decision at the speed that we aspire for.
To us, it's the consumers are critical. To us, we need to attain to these countries who entrusted us to build the refineries based on our crude. And
our crude today, Murban, is one of the cleanest, if not the cleanest crude on Earth in terms of carbon intensity, in terms of -- go ahead.
ANDERSON: Your Excellency, do you expect other OPEC members to take a lead from the UAE and also leave the group?
AL MAZROUI: No, I think that's up to the member countries. I'm not expecting that. We have seen that other countries have left the group
before and nothing happened.
Therefore, we wish the group the best and we will be working bilaterally with many countries within the group and internationally to look at what is
good for the whole world. We are all suppliers to the same pool of consumers.
So UAE will remain as an active, responsible producer and we will ensure that we are doing this at the agility and speed that is known -- that is
UAE is known for.
ANDERSON: What do you say to those who will be concerned about this move leading to greater volatility, less predictable supply coordination in the
global oil markets and possibly even the eventual end of OPEC itself?
AL MAZROUI: Well, if you look at the level of reserve that the world have today compared to before this crisis, before the closure of the Strait of
Hormuz, we are totally at an uncomfortable level of inventories that would require additional resources to fulfill it.
So the world before the closure of Hormuz is different than the world today. And I believe that we will need huge investments to cater for that
shortage. We need to supply the world.
But at the same time, those countries need to recharge their inventories. Doing those two things is going to take time, is going to take efforts.
It's going to take investments and I think every producer will need to produce more in order for all of us to fulfill that demand that this crisis
create.
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ANDERSON: And we are aware that something like a billion barrels of oil have just not made the market over the past eight weeks or so. That's
significant.
Can you just explain for us what the impact, very specifically on the UAE, has been of the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz?
Described by the head of the national oil company here, ADNOC, as economic terrorism.
And what you hope will be achieved in the upcoming or forthcoming talks, if indeed those happen between the U.S. and Iran?
AL MAZROUI: Well, UAE has been very resilient and very proud of what -- and I'm proud of what ADNOC have demonstrated to the world. Our ability to
continue producing is something that the world demand.
And we ensured during the most difficult time that we are strong, we are together in ensuring that we fulfill the expectation of those who invested
in the UAE and those who trusted the UAE hydrocarbon.
We have our heroes, working under risk and under pressure to ensure that every barrel that we can produce reaches the consumers. And that's
something not easy and not everyone have done. So we are proud of what you have done.
We, our ability to stay in production is something, I mean, considering the number of attacks on UAE. More than 2,800 between missiles and drones have
been -- UAE have been targeted for those.
And despite all of that and the attack on the civilians and the cowardly attack on our energy infrastructure, our resilience was there. And our
ability to continue producing was there.
ANDERSON: And you are mitigating the risks of further closure of the Strait of Hormuz, adapting the way that you move this oil out of the
country.
Can you just describe very briefly what that adaptation is at this point in order for the UAE to get its oil into the market and avoid that Strait of
Hormuz?
AL MAZROUI: Well, the UAE have been fortunate to be looking forward always and coming up with different solutions for exporting our crude. And we are
-- we are reaping those benefits, I would say, having seen the unprecedented closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which impacted the whole
world.
And this is an investment that that is -- that has paid for. And we are looking forward to ensure that we are well supplying the world with what it
needs as much as we can.
ANDERSON: And last question to you.
Does this -- and there will be people watching this wondering about this.
Does this signal, this decision by the UAE to exit OPEC, does that signal a weakening of Arab multilateralism?
And the UAE has been outspoken about its disappointment in the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation; most recently, Anwar Gargash, the
advisor to the UAE president, expressing disappointment in the GCC.
Is this OPEC exit, to your mind, a precursor to further moves by the UAE?
AL MAZROUI: Well, Becky, I'd rather to stay in what I know. And what I know is the energy field. So from an energy field point of view, this group
has Arab and non-Arab and Muslims and non-Muslims countries in it.
Whether it's OPEC or OPEC+, this is a pure policy decision. It has nothing to do with any group of countries or region or regional, I mean,
differences. This is a policy we believe in, that this policy is going to serve the consumers better and it's going to serve our economy and our
aspiration in the energy field.
ANDERSON: And with that, we'll leave it there. Thank you very much indeed for joining us today.
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A very big decision by the UAE and getting your insight and analysis into exactly how that decision was made incredibly important to us. Thank you
very much indeed.
Well, just within the past hour, U.S. president Donald Trump posted an update on negotiations with Iran.
He wrote on his social media website, "Iran has just informed us that they are in a state of collapse. They want us to 'open the Hormuz strait' as
soon as possible as they try to figure out their leadership situation -- in brackets -- (which I believe they will be able to do).
Well, this coming after two sources told CNN President Trump is unlikely to accept Iran's latest proposal to end the conflict and reopen the strait.
Well, I've got Nic Robertson back with us this hour from Islamabad.
This new social media post, Nic, has some pretty striking comments.
What do we make of it as we await what will presumably be an Iranian response?
NIC ROBERTSON, CNN SENIOR DIPLOMATIC EDITOR: Well, I mean, the president sounding reasonably optimistic there. Marco Rubio, his secretary of state,
was sounding reasonably optimistic last night.
Obviously, he said the final decision's in the hands of the president. And I think from a mediator's perspective here, there is still hope. And our
understanding here is that the ball is in Iran's court at the moment. They are expected to come up with some response later this week.
You know, something new that goes beyond what president Trump had seemed not to want a day or so ago. Obviously, president Trump has put forward his
new view. The problem here has been what kind of deal to get.
And it's clear that the thinking earlier this week was a deal that came in parts. The first part really to do the easy stuff -- reset to pre war. That
would mean the Strait of Hormuz open.
Of course, Iran was putting conditions on that, which were never going to be acceptable. And my understanding is Iran does understand that much at
the moment. So I think it's eyes on Iran to see what they come back with to, you know, president Trump's point there.
He said, you know, the leadership's divided but we think they're going to - - we think they're going to do it. it's not a quick process getting replies and responses from Iran because there are different levels of leadership.
The political leadership, you know, the foreign minister who came here, the speaker of parliament, who came here a couple of weeks ago; then the IRGC,
then the ayatollah and the people around him. So there's multiple layers. We used to call it a mosaic but the mosaic in Iran has broken down.
At this moment, it really does seem to be up to Iran to see what else it can put in its offer, if you will, to sweeten the deal, to get president
Trump across the line. And that perhaps would be something along the -- in the -- in the -- going into the nuclear dimension, maybe not everything but
maybe some things.
At least president Trump can appear to have done more than just end the war that he started without dealing with the enriched uranium issue.
ANDERSON: Yes.
Nic, you just heard the UAE energy minister speaking to me after the country's announcement to leave OPEC on Friday.
And what did you make of what you just heard and this decision?
ROBERTSON: You know, I think it underscores some of the tensions that have -- you know, there are multiple parts of this, of course. And we heard
very clearly the UAE's position. It wants to be dynamic. It wants to be agile, it wants to invest. It wants to export more oil.
It clearly didn't think the GCC was working fast enough on its aspirations to pump more when Saudi had wanted to pump less. But this does come at a
time when this U.S.-Iran war has really heightened tensions, not just in the Gulf region but between these reasonably solid Gulf partners.
They have some differences. Here, of course, we're talking principally Saudi Arabia with the UAE. And as the Saudis have the principal role at
OPEC and OPEC+ and you -- the minister there, where you very carefully asked him the question, did you let the Saudis know in advance?
And in essence, he said, they were informed today, if I didn't mishear him. And I think that sort of, again, underscores that latent tension. You know,
the perception here, where the negotiations go on, is that Saudi Arabia more wants to get the deal done. And the UAE, not so much.
Of course, the UAE is aligned with Israel as well and there's widely understood sentiment that Israel is against ending the war at this stage.
[10:20:00]
So it complicates the picture of trying to get an overall U.S.-Iran ceasefire, in part as well, because Iran targets did target those Gulf
countries asymmetrically in a way. The UAE got much harder hit by Iran than many of the other countries.
Iran's tactics in the Gulf have been to try to sow and create division. And a byproduct of this war and what we're witnessing now may be doing that as
a result not just of the war but prior underlying tensions.
So this is really going to be something that will be stingingly felt, in, well, Jeddah, where the GCC is meeting today, stingingly felt by the Saudis
and it made to them feel like a rebuke.
But it does underscore the tensions that are there. And it makes them, you know, going down the line, they -- it's going to make them harder to
rebuild.
ANDERSON: Good to have you, Nic. Thank you.
Well, Mina Al-Oraibi is here with me. She's editor in chief of "The National," which is a daily newspaper or global newspaper and media
organization based or certainly headquartered here in Abu Dhabi.
This decision, by the UAE to exit OPEC. Let's just start there. I mean, the energy sector in the UAE, of course, is highly advanced. And actually, you
know, it would be very easy -- and this is not a -- it's not a new story to any of us who live here, that the UAE has talked about exiting OPEC in
the past.
I mean, they are in a position to gain a, lot effectively, a lot of flexibility out of exiting the group. But the headline's a pretty big one
today.
What do you make of it?
MINA AL-ORAIBI, EDITOR-IN-CHIEF, "THE NATIONAL": It is a big one. I mean, if we take what OPEC is right, the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries, the UAE has become so much more than that.
It has investors across its different energy capabilities. And of course, hosts IRENA, which is the International Renewable Energy Agency, a U.N. --
a multilateral agency based here, based on renewables.
So it sees itself as much more than a petroleum exporter. Also the UAE, from all the members of OPEC, was the one that sacrificed the most by
keeping its output reduced, about 3.4 million barrels a day. They aim for 5 million and that's -- the aim that was initially in 2030.
But then they said they could actually achieve that by 2027. Of course, the last eight weeks and the disruption of the war changes some of those
timelines potentially. They haven't yet announced that.
But the reality is they have much more capacity. And they were sacrificing because, on balance, it was beneficial to be part of this grouping. When
they're thinking about the future -- and you've just spoken to minister Suhail -- he and others have said to us, actually, we are looking to the
future.
And we need agility, speed, adaptability. And we're not thinking just of ourselves. We're thinking about our investors, our stakeholders but also
energy output in general.
And the UAE economy is diversified. They don't rely on high oil prices to meet their budget needs. They actually benefit from a healthy global
economy. And a healthy global economy doesn't want oil prices at $150, $110 a barrel. It wants it much more to be -- I mean, they don't give you a
specific number.
But you want to look at $70-$75 per barrel. We're nowhere near there, given the current moment.
And the decision, I think, has been on the horizon for some time exactly as you said, Becky. But the timing now is that actually there is already so
much disruption that to do it now is different from doing it when everything is stable and suddenly this becomes a shock. This is a bit of a
jolt and we'll see what oil prices do in the next few days.
ANDERSON: Well, this is a decision that's been made, as you rightly say, at a time of significant disruption. The statement from the UAE, speaking
to the continued effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz -- we've just spoken to Nic Robertson in Islamabad about the current state of diplomacy
around the potential for a second round of talks.
What do you make of where we are at this point?
AL-ORAIBI: Well, today, of course, marks two months since the start of the war. And in some ways, this moment of uncertainty serves countries like
Iran, who actually work fine in chaos but are -- will have to answer to their people once the state of war is over, the devastation that's happened
to the country.
But also, of course, the economic collapse that that they are witnessing. So that uncertainty is in some ways being dragged out by Iran. The U.S., on
the other hand, doesn't really benefit from state of uncertainty for too long.
So you see this back-and-forth. The Iranians have always tried to drag out negotiations. For here in the Gulf and the wider Arab world, the sooner we
can get to a point of stability, the better for everybody involved.
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And I think you're seeing, on the twin track of the Lebanon talks, hugely important, that hopefully you can get to a point where an end of war --
this is not just a fragile ceasefire that drags out.
ANDERSON: But what does that end of war look like for this region?
I mean, there is a fracture to a degree around this region of the Gulf about how quickly we get there and how Iran is left to a degree.
And the UAE has been quite outspoken about wanting to ensure that the end of this war does not leave Iran in a position to continue to threaten this
region with its ballistic missiles, with its nuclear ambitions and with its proxies around the region.
It's been interesting to see the Gulf region in its response to what is going on, with a quite divergent sort of narrative. Let's just have a
listen to Anwar Gargash, who is the advisor to the UAE president here, speaking yesterday on the GCC. Have a listen.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
ANWAR GARGASH, DIPLOMATIC ADVISER TO UAE PRESIDENT (through translator): Politically and militarily, I think the GCC position was the weakest in its
history. I expected that weak position from the Arab countries. But I didn't expect it from the GCC.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
ANDERSON: I asked the oil minister about whether this exit from OPEC was a precursor for the exit, you know, of the UAE from further groupings,
perhaps including the GCC. He said it's not -- that's not his file.
But we've heard some pretty forthright comments by the UAE over the past eight weeks about its disappointment in the Arab League, the OIC. Those
comments from Anwar Gargash yesterday.
Going forward, how do you read the tea leaves here?
AL-ORAIBI: I think it's really interesting to see bold statements like that from the UAE. Diplomacy here is often very calm, very quiet and, at
some point, a decision is made. Let's put our position, frankly, out there for our people but also for our interlocutors in different countries.
I think the UAE is disappointed. I think that there would be a closer GCC unity. You know, we saw that when Doha was struck last year, both by Iran
and by Israel. And there was unity of message.
However, in the -- in the 40 days or so of war, there was unity that an attack on one country is an attack on all.
But then how to deal with it?
As you said, what is an acceptable outcome?
There is discrepancy. Some of that discrepancy is to do with geography. I mean, you have countries like Bahrain, Kuwait, the UAE that really were on
the front line. And then you have, for example, Saudi Arabia that geography kind of served.
And also of course, Oman that has a particular relationship with Iran. And so I think there has been frustration, the UAE, that there wasn't a very
clear message to the Iranians that this would not be acceptable, that we can't go back to normal.
But again, let's not forget everyone's spoken to the Iranians since the war, including the UAE. And so I think sometimes there is, you know, there
is an articulation of what the UAE wants. But then they also know that it is a negotiation. What's a compromise is acceptable to all.
ANDERSON: It's a neighbor at the end of the day. It's not a neighbor that is going away. But it'll be interesting to see how this develops going
forward.
While I have you, I do want to just discuss Iraq appointing a new prime minister at a moment of heightened regional tension.
How does the balance -- or how does this balance sort of, you know, the ties with Iran this country has managed its relationship with the region,
with Iran, while frankly managing powerful militia groups at home?
AL-ORAIBI: Well, the naming of a prime minister, first of all, came after a constitutional deadline. So you're supposed to have the president named
in the first parliamentary session that's convened. That was already two months delayed. So constitutional violation there.
And then it was supposed to be 15 days later for the largest bloc to name their candidate, which they didn't. They missed the deadline by at least 24
hours, depending on how you're counting.
And so part of the frustration of Iraqis and others is that we continuously have this weakening of the Iraqi state, where even constitution deadlines
are skipped and disregarded as though it doesn't matter.
And then, of course, there's the wider point of, you know, the question mark about this particular candidate, who has very strong financial holds
over the state. You know, the state is actually indebted to his bank, which is sanctioned by the U.S. So very convoluted.
And of course, the coordination framework grouping is very closely aligned to Iran. Doesn't hide that. This is not an accusation. It's a statement of
fact.
And of course, when you look at the picture of him being given the task of forming a government, again, this is not set. He is a prime minister that
will try to form a government. This could fall apart if the parties don't all agree to the government formation.
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You know, you look at the picture and the people who are standing there, some faces and names that are not only closely allied to Iran, some are
even sanctioned by the U.S.
So what happens from here?
Are they able to pull off the formation of a government as weak as it is?
Or will there be a complete rethinking of the system, given the fact that, of course, the Iraqi state continues to be weakened by this very broken
political system?
ANDERSON: It's always good to have you.
AL-ORAIBI: Thanks for having me.
ANDERSON: Thank you very much indeed.
Mina Al-Oraibi in the house for you folks.
Right. Ahead on this show, CONNECT THE WORLD, after some honey-coated diplomacy over a White House beehive, we'll get expert insight on whether
King Charles can mend fences between the U.S. and the United Kingdom.
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ANDERSON: Some royal diplomacy now. This is the day His Majesty King Charles III is set to address a joint meeting of Congress during his
historic U.S. state visit. It is a showpiece event and the British monarch is expected to emphasize the U.S. and U.K.'s shared history with a speech
about togetherness and solidarity.
Now this comes at a time of heightened tension between the White House and Downing Street, not least over the Iran war. But it is well known King
Charles is a great favorite of U.S. president Donald Trump and we are watching for the official White House greeting of the king and Queen
Camilla later this hour.
We are live at the White House with CNN's Kevin Liptak.
And as we look at the images of preparations there on what looks like a slightly dull day in Washington, how is the White House preparing for this
visit?
KEVIN LIPTAK, CNN WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: Right. And the royals seem to have brought their weather with them. It's cold and drizzly but not tamping
down on the pomp and circumstance out on the South Lawn.
We've heard the military bands warming up. We've seen a number of American dignitaries out there as well, including the Apple CEO, Tim Cook; the
Nvidia CEO, Jensen Huang. So really kind of a -- all of the elevated forms of American diplomacy that you're now seeing play out.
And this is, I think, a huge honor for president Trump himself. You know, he has an affinity for the royals, for Charles, for the royal family. He's
talked about how he's watched his mother watch on television Queen Elizabeths coronation when he was 6 years old. And it has stuck with him
his entire life.
And as part of this event, he has included a number of things that you don't normally see for this kind of event. So there'll be a flyover of
fighter jets. You see a pass in review, they call it. The king and the president will watch as the military honor guards march past them out on
the South Lawn.
And so just a major event for the president that I think he's just very proud to be part of. But that's not to say that there isn't some important
diplomacy at stake here as well.
[10:35:04]
It's obviously coming at perhaps the tensest moment in U.S.-British relations in generations as the president really goes after the prime
minister, Keir Starmer, for not becoming more involved in the Iran war.
He's talked about potential steps to punish NATO countries who aren't doing more to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. And so the king himself has quite a
task here, even though, you know, constitutionally he is supposed to stay above politics. I don't think it's lost on anyone that his mission has
become now more complicated.
I mean, amid these tensions -- and we will see that play out as this day goes along -- you know, after this state arrival ceremony, the two men will
be in the Oval Office. Ordinarily, the president brings in television cameras.
But as of now, that will be a private moment. Perhaps we'll see a still photo or two. And I think that's intentional. I think it will avoid any
awkwardness if the president was going to start, you know, piping off about Starmer. That would put the king in a very awkward situation.
And it's something that the palace and, to be fair, I think the White House as well wants to avoid. So a lot of diplomacy underway here today.
ANDERSON: All right. Good. Thank you.
And as we see the members of the cabinet and Susie Wiles, I see they're walking out from the White House onto the lawn. Stephen Collinson, our
senior reporter in Washington with CNN Politics, joining us this hour.
And Bidisha Mamata, who's a broadcaster and royal watcher, joining us from London.
And Bidisha, let's just start with you. The king, not a politician. He's walking into a very heightened political situation here.
How will he navigate this?
BIDISHA MAMATA, ROYALS WATCHER: I think he is going to navigate it extremely skillfully, because, let's not forget that he's the son of
Elizabeth II, who was herself not officially a politician at all. In fact, you're not supposed to be political if you're the king or the queen.
But she was a great diplomat and some of that bloodline, all of it is going to be expressed in him. I apologize on behalf of the British weather. But
still, the best diplomacy is done in subtlety and not in full scale sunshine and the glare of the world's media.
I think he's acutely aware that his job, over the next two or three days, that is King Charles', is to somewhat heal, paper over, claw back fractured
relations.
ANDERSON: And Stephen, we know that the U.S. president loves a bit of pomp and ceremony associated with the British royalty and he's a big fan of King
Charles.
What do you believe Donald Trump is looking to get out of this?
STEPHEN COLLINSON, CNN WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: I think Kevin had it right. The president likes the reflected glory of the pomp and circumstance
and showing that the United States can do it, too.
If you look at what he's made the White House, he's made it much more palatial. He likes standing on the world stage with figures who have
greater permanence than an American president -- the monarch from the United Kingdom, the presidents of Russia and China. These are the people he
believes whose company he should be in.
I don't believe there is any particular, I think, geopolitical aim from the administration here. And one of the complicating factors for the king is
that the president hasn't just attacked Keir Starmer; he's attacked the fundamentals of the transatlantic relationship, which is the underpinnings
of British foreign policy and their place in the world.
And that is why this is such a sensitive matter for the king. I did see that he plans to say that the special relationship is measured not in years
but in decades. That is a very subtle royal way of saying this is not just about Trump, this relationship. It's about the future as well.
He's going to deliver those remarks, apparently, before Congress later on today.
ANDERSON: And I see Yvette Cooper, who is the foreign minister, shaking hands with cabinet members there.
Bidisha, King Charles will arrive shortly. He will be received here at the White House and then is set to deliver what will be an historic address to
Congress later this afternoon.
And we understand he's reworked the language after Saturday's shooting at the White House Correspondents' Dinner.
What will you be looking out for in that speech?
MAMATA: Well, that comment about decades rather than years, indeed, I'd say centuries rather than decades, is incredibly pointed.
I expect to hear not the word war but certainly the word peace, accord, stability, harmony, unity, community and acceptance, calm.
[10:40:00]
All the things that we have neither heard nor seen in the last few weeks or even the last few months or the most recent years. He is going to be
harking forward to an ideal which Trump, as we just heard, indeed also has of permanence, of stability and of leadership.
King Charles is very interesting in the sense that he's not supposed to be emotional. He's not supposed to make pointed comments or even subtly
pointed comments. But he does always somehow get his point across. And he's going to use this opportunity to address Congress, which hasn't happened
since the '90s.
This is a decades-long new and pioneering thing for him to do in this era, to take up the stage and say exactly what he wants. He's a very interesting
character because he's in this seemingly eternal role.
You know, monarchs are apparently appointed by God and yet he's very much making it his own. And he ignores protocol just as much as Trump sometimes
does. So he's going to be fully himself and try to keep an eye on the prize, which is stability in the long term.
ANDERSON: All right. We're going to take a very short break ahead of the arrival of the British monarch and his wife. We'll be back after this.
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ANDERSON: Well, all eyes this hour on the White House where U.S. president Donald Trump and first lady Melania are set to welcome the British royals
any moment now. King Charles and Queen Camilla are expected to arrive there.
A busy day of royal events. The king will hold a bilateral meeting with Trump before an historic address to Congress this afternoon. And tonight,
president Trump will host the king and queen for a state dinner.
Still with me, Stephen Collinson, senior reporter with CNN Politics. He's in Washington this hour. And Bidisha Mamata is a broadcaster and royal
watcher.
You are both more than welcome.
Stephen, let's get back to you and just set the scene for us, if you will. We've seen a lot of arrivals ahead of King Charles and Queen Camilla.
Who's there?
What's happening on the White House lawn?
COLLINSON: Yes. These ceremonies are always quite elaborate. You'll see marching bands. I believe we're going to see a military flypast. This is
something that president Trump really glorifies in. Of course, he is repaying the favor after his visit to the U.K. for a state visit at the
invitation of the king at Windsor Castle.
[10:45:03]
I think it's worth looking back at that visit because there's a lot of talk about how the pageantry of royalty and meeting Trump can perhaps knock the
edges off the differences in this relationship.
And I think it's true. It could defuse some of the tensions between the U.K. government and the U.S. government, specifically the president.
The issue, however, is all of the good feeling that was generated by that visit, It didn't stop president Trump attacking the British refusal to join
his war in Iran, because the British government didn't believe it was in their interests. It hasn't ended the trade tensions that have been caused
by president Trump's tariff policy.
And it's raised big questions in the United Kingdom and throughout Europe about the future relationship with the United States, not just under
president Trump.
But can Europe and the United Kingdom put its security so firmly in the hands of the United States if it has become this more unreliable global
power?
So I think the pageantry is important and the royal family is a very powerful symbolic political force for Britain. Whether it changes the
fundamentals of Donald Trump's outlook and policies, I think that is something that is a rather different question.
ANDERSON: Yes, that may take a change in the leader, of the prime minister and leader of the government at this point.
Be that as it may, Bidisha, many of our viewers will have seen Queen Elizabeth, King Charles' mother, interacting with so many U.S. presidents
over the years. I wonder if you can just compare and contrast her style with that of her son.
MAMATA: They were really very different, weren't they?
Because so many thousands upon thousands of people encountered Elizabeth II doing what she does best. She was indefatigable.
And yet, could any one of those people say that they really knew what was in her heart and mind or even what was on her political slate?
Charles is a very different quantity. He is quixotic and mercurial. He shows his irritation and his pleasure in quite a childlike way. And that's
not a criticism. In fact, I think that this role, the crown, is such a complicated legacy that you have to make it your own.
And of course, in the 21st century, what does it mean to be a king or a queen?
It's a very difficult and troubling question. Perhaps what they do best is what's happening right at this very moment, which is, despite the
incredibly pressing issues around the world, which indeed you have been covering for the rest of your program today, this pageantry that we're
talking about, it's not just for show.
It's not just a mirage. It is a fantasy. It is an image. It is a form of diplomacy that's happening in all different areas. So for example, Trump's
own invited guests are the great new leaders of the world.
And they're not kings and queens and they're not presidents or prime ministers, either, are they?
They are tech lords. They are gods in their own lifetimes, perhaps even in their own imagining. He's impressing them and he's also trying to say
something to the wider world.
So for just two or three days at the end of April, all of these much more pressing, much more urgent, troubling issues are held in abeyance while we
all talk about forging or reforging international relations.
And exactly as you say, neither Trump nor Starmer nor King Charles are immortal beings. And yet America and Britain as land masses will last for a
very, very, very long time. And we all have to get along. I think they all realize that.
ANDERSON: One of the issues that has been so dominant this year and has, to a degree, being overshadowed by the U.S.-Iran war, of course, is the
Epstein files.
Stephen, it is interesting to note that King Charles, President Trump, back in the U.K. prime minister Keir Starmer, the former U.K. ambassador to the
United States -- and let's remind ourselves, we have a very weak -- I'm being British here; I'm just suggesting there is a very, very new
ambassador in Washington to deal with this entire trip.
All of the others that I've just mentioned have the shadow of Jeffrey Epstein hanging over them one way or another.
What do you make of that?
COLLINSON: Yes. And I'm sure it's an irony that the palace finds somewhat irritating that Morgan McSweeney, the former chief of staff in 10 Downing
Street, was testifying today and stealing all the headlines in the U.K. to a House of Commons committee.
[10:50:05]
He, of course, was one of the casualties of the Peter Mandelson affair, the former ambassador, who was sacked by Keir Starmer partly due to the Epstein
saga and his links with Epstein.
Of course, Mandelson, the whole point of sending him to the United States to be ambassador was that he was this prince of darkness and was able to
move in the money circles of Donald Trump.
ANDERSON: All right. I'm going to jump in. Thank you, both.
I want to get to Alayna Treene, who is at the White House, where the ceremony is -- Alayna.
ALAYNA TREENE, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Especially this one, this current Trump administration or this current Trump term, I should say. And so a lot of
pomp and circumstance being put on right now for this royal visit.
Look, I think one of the things I want to mention is just the timing of this visit. Despite a lot of the pageantry, which was really fun and
exciting for us to point out and to witness today, it comes at a really crucial time for the state of the special relationship between the United
States and the United Kingdom.
And I think that really is going to be a huge goal for the king when he comes trying to smooth out relationships and remind president Trump of the
decades-long alliance that has existed between these two countries.
It's the same type of thing we heard him discuss when he hosted the president and the first lady, Melania Trump, in Windsor at Windsor Palace -
- Windsor Castle, I should say, back in September. I remember being there covering that trip. A lot of pomp and circumstance for that visit as well.
And I should note that, of course, a lot of that is very helpful when it comes to dealing with this president. He is someone who has long shown
outward and public admiration for the royals after that visit to Windsor in September.
You know, great -- all the -- all the president had was great words for King Charles and for the visit. And so this is a smart move, I think, to
have the U.K. deploy him at this moment when there is huge disagreements between the U.S. president and the U.K. prime minister, Keir Starmer.
Now one thing that I found fascinating, I do want to bring up, is what we saw the president post about this morning. There was an article that he had
shared on his social media page on Truth Social that was titled, "Revealed: how the mail traced Trump's family tree and found out that he's the king's
cousin."
Well, the president shared an image of that article and wrote that that's nice and that I always wanted to live in Buckingham Palace. That is what
president Trump had said. So he said he was going to discuss it with the king. So we'll have to wait and see whether or not that conversation
actually materialized.
But look, we're hearing the president come out now --
(CROSSTALK)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: First lady Melania.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Let's watch a little bit of this.
[10:55:00]
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UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Ladies and gentlemen, the national anthem of the United Kingdom, followed by the national anthem of the United States.
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(APPLAUSE)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Ladies and gentlemen, please be seated.
END
