Return to Transcripts main page

Laura Coates Live

Bipartisan Border Deal is on the Brink of Defeat Ahead of Key Senate Vote; Trump Trials Continue; Laura Coates Interviews Jay "Jeezy" Jenkins; King Charles III is Diagnosed with Cancer. Aired 11p- 12a ET

Aired February 05, 2024 - 23:00   ET



LAURA COATES, CNN HOST AND SENIOR LEGAL ANALYST: So, if there was any doubt from anybody's mind, Republicans on the Hill have made it, well, crystal clear tonight. They really, really don't apparently want to solve immigration. Not now, not today anyway.

By CNN's count, a majority of Republicans in the Senate are leaning against the border bill or actively planning to vote a big, old "no" in the very first vote on the deal, which is expected to happen this coming Wednesday. In fact, this doesn't look good. Senate GOP Whip John Thune tonight saying that a Wednesday vote would be too early. A clear sign that most Republicans would block it if the vote comes that day.

Meanwhile, Speaker Mike Johnson is vowing the bipartisan, I repeat, the bipartisan border deal is dead on arrival. If it even makes sense, it makes it to the House at all. Republicans on the House Judiciary Committee pronouncing it a bad deal. The conference adding the hashtag "kill the bill," a bill which would also include aid for Ukraine and also for Israel.

Montana Democratic Senator Jon Tester has had just about enough of all of it.


SEN. JON TESTER (D-MT): People want to work in good faith and did it. Now, all of a sudden, good faith is out the window.


COATES: So, why is a deal worked out by a Democrat, a Republican, and an independent now suddenly on life support? Some would say it comes down to two words, Donald Trump. The former president saying the quiet part out loud again. Oh, there isn't really a quiet part when Donald Trump might be concerned, claiming that what he calls radical left Democrats are laying a trap for Republicans -- quote -- "just in time for our most important ever election."

Joining me now to break it all down is CNN Capitol Hill reporter Melanie Zanona, who I look to help break down all of this tonight because it's confusing for so many people. You have a deal, you don't. There's text, there's not. There's the principle, there's objections. Where are we tonight? What are the lawmakers signaling when they don't have this ready to go?

MELANIE ZANONA, CNN CAPITOL HILL REPORTER: Right. So, we already knew that this bill was going to be dead on arrival in the House. Now, Laura, it looks like it's probably not even going to pass the Senate where this deal was negotiated by this bipartisan group of lawmakers.

Senate Republicans, they had this meeting tonight. They huddled behind closed doors. It was about a little bit over an hour. We're told it was a very animated, robust discussion.

But afterwards, those Republicans came out signaling that they don't think this deal is going to have the support it needs to advance through a procedural vote on Wednesday. Even James Lankford, he was the lead Republican negotiator, is expressing doubt that this is going to have the votes.

So, just a remarkable blow and a huge embarrassment really for the Republicans who had initially demanded border security policy changes in exchange for Ukraine aid.

COATES: Uh-hmm.

ZANONA: And a huge reason for that, Laura, is you're so right, it's Donald Trump. He has really changed the politics inside the GOP. And in some cases, they're saying the quiet part out loud, which is they don't want to give Joe Biden and the Democrats a win.

COATES: Isn't that astonishing, though, to think about all that has been made of what's happening at the border from Democrats and Republicans, independents, and everyone in between wanting to solve the problem? And now, there's one bill out there that wouldn't be the panacea. It's not going to solve everything. We could admit that. But the devil is in the details, Melanie. What is in the Senate bill that they don't want?

ZANONA: Well, I do think it's important to tick through what was in this bill because it is the most conservative immigration proposal that has been debated on Capitol Hill probably in decades.

So, a centerpiece of the bill is this new authority to shut down the border. That would become available once average daily migrant crossings reached 4,000 in a one-week span. It would only become mandatory, though, once that average daily migrant crossing reaches 5,000. So, Republicans had some issues with that. It's not an absolute authority. Biden also has the power to temporarily suspend that authority if he determines it's necessary.

Asylum, that was another big point of contention, but they ultimately agreed to raise the threshold for those seeking asylum. They're also going to speed up that process from right now could take a few years down to a few months. So that was a big concession there from Democrats. It also would restrict presidential parole authority. It would also limit catch and release. Again, two big things that Republicans would push for. And then on the Democratic side, something they were pushing for, this would authorize 250,000 new visas over five years for families.

COATES: So, some of these issues we've heard a lot about in particular, the idea of closing down the border, there's the mandatory versus discretionary part of it, but how is this so different than what the House Republicans wanted?

ZANONA: So, the House Republican Party passed H.R. 2. That was a much stricter, more hardline bill, it didn't get any Democratic votes, but that would resume construction of the border wall, that would reinstate the controversial Trump era remain in Mexico policy, and it also would require the use of E-Verify, which is an electronic system that allows you to check whether a worker has eligibility to work in the United States.


But within the universe of Republicans who are saying they're against the Senate deal, they either say it doesn't go far enough or they say it's a bad deal and would actually attract more illegal immigration which, of course, the sponsors of that package say it's absolutely untrue.

But another important talking point that we should point out here is that now, some Republicans, the same ones who passed H.R. 2, say that Biden already has the authority and that legislation isn't even necessary. So, definitely, a moving of the goalposts here when it comes to messaging from Republicans.

COATES: Hold on a second. Now, they're saying that he doesn't have -- this is all exercise of futility at that point, that he already had the power to do so, which is a little bit -- you can massage that in a sense.


COATES: But what about the pathway to citizenship? What about the catch and release program? These are very important issues as well.

ZANONA: Right, and we should point out that in this bill, there was no discussion and there was no provision that would provide a pathway to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. That up until this point has always been at least part of the discussion when you're talking about immigration reform, comprehensive immigration reform on Capitol Hill.

That wasn't in this bill. Again, why it is a very conservative proposal on its face, and it's also why some Democrats are saying in the Senate that they can't vote for this deal.

And there's also concern that going forward, this is the new marker, is that Democrats have said and Biden has said he would sign that Senate package into law.

And so, there's a lot of concern from the left and progressives that this is the new normal going forward if there is another discussion to be had on immigration going forward.

COATES: The fact you had to say if right now, after all that has gone down, tells you a lot about the frustrations of Capitol Hill.

Melanie Zanona, thank you so much.

Look, Republicans are engaged in a tug of war over this immigration and foreign aid deal, being with the former president, by the way.


DONALD TRUMP, FORMER PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: This is a Democrat trap. It's a trap for Republicans that would be so stupid, so foolish to sign a bill like this. Actually, it's one of the worst -- one of the dumbest bills I've ever seen. I think it's dead, totally dead at the House.

REP. KEN BUCK (R-CO): Frankly, we won't make decision one way or another until the Senate passes the bill with its amendments. I have no idea what the bill is going to look like a few weeks from now. I think it's, frankly, Anderson, irresponsible to say that something is dead on arrival when we haven't even seen the final product from the Senate.

SEN. JAMES LANKFORD (R-OK): Once you start actually deporting people, the flood stops at that point. People are going to pay $10,000 to a cartel to just get deported.

SEN. CHIP ROY (R-TX): I've got a duty to 750,000 Texans and all Texans to not cement into law a basically perpetuation of mass migration which is what this bill will do.


COATES: Here to talk about all this and where we go from here, I don't know where that is, former Republican congressman, Joe Walsh, and political commentator for CNN and a Democratic strategist, Maria Cardona. Both of you here. Thank you for joining tonight.

I'm trying to walk through what is in the bill, what's not in the bill, and why Congress can't take "yes" for an answer. Joe, let me begin with you, because Democrats say this is the best bill Republicans are going to see for a long time. Are they right?


COATES: I think your side tells me the answer is "no," is what I'm guessing from that.

WALSH: I don't -- Laura, I don't love the bill, and I think there's enough bad in the bill to give Republicans an out, and you combine that with the fact that they don't trust this president on this issue. We may disagree. I think there's good reason for that. I think a lot of what Biden has done the last three years has created this crisis. And I --

COATES: Oh, what's the bad? Tell me what is the bad part, so we can understand.

WALSH: It would codify into law that 1.8 million people can enter this country illegally, like all of a sudden, we're going to say, okay, up to 5,000 illegally. Barack Obama 10 years ago --


WALSH: Barack Obama 10 years ago said 1,000 a day was a crisis. Now, in essence, we're saying 5,000 a day is a crisis. That's a scary number to codify. That's 1.8 million people a year. I think that's one major objection.

COATES: You disagree.

CARDONA: That's not what it says because that doesn't mean that they're going to let them in and then that's it. And what this bill does, Laura, and as you know, and you've reported on this, a lot of Democrats, a lot of progressives have problems with this because it is enforcement only, and it is pretty draconian enforcement given what we are used to in terms of what a real negotiation on real immigration reform should be.

There is absolutely no affirmative relief on here for dreamers, which the majority of Americans believe they should be getting protections or the long-settled 11 million undocumented immigrants, who have injected trillions of dollars to our economy, have created businesses and have really helped grow this economy.

And so, I think moving forward, what this betrays about Republicans is that even in the face of this being so draconian for Democrats, Joe Biden came to the table, Democrats came to the table in good faith, negotiated with some common sense Republicans, and at the end of the day, the whole MAGA Republican genuflecting at the altar of Donald Trump completely took this in bad faith, and now they have betrayed not just themselves, their party, but the American people, and it's going to give Democrats the ability to say they are unserious, feckless, and cowardly.


WALSH: I can't deny the obeisance to Trump on this. There's no doubt. The cult leader rules. But, Laura, they don't trust this president. I mean, a pox on both houses. You're right, Republicans have no interest at this point in helping Joe Biden. But Joe Biden, the Biden administration, ignored this issue for three years.

CARDONA: That's not true either.

WALSH: And so -- and so here we are with this crisis, and now here's the president saying, help me, bail me out. I mean, I can see why Republicans are a little ticked off about that. COATES: Hold on. On the trust issue, just so we're clear, the trust issue you're pointing out is the idea that it's not mandatory to shut down the border at certain stages. It is up to the president to decide whether to do so.

WALSH: He could shut down. Joe Biden could shut down the border tomorrow. The United States is not required to accept people who come here for asylum. It's a discretionary clemency. Biden on his own, so much of what's in this bill, he could do. I actually think maybe Maria --

CARDONA: Donald Trump tried and the Supreme Court said, you're not allowed to do that on your own.

WALSH: I think, politically, the best thing Joe Biden could do is enforce current law, enforce all this stuff, turn to the Republicans, say, get lost, give me an up or down vote on Ukraine. I mean, I think, politically, that would be wonderful for Biden.

CARDONA: But here's the problem with what you're saying about Republicans not trusting the president. It's Republicans who demanded these changes on border security in order to do Ukraine and Israel. Democrats and Joe Biden, they want Ukraine, they want the aid for Israel, they understand there's something that has to be done on the border.

WALSH: Which is important. Totally agree with that.

CARDONA: And they said, okay, let's come to the table, let's negotiate, because guess what, Laura? That's what you do in Congress. That's how you get things done. But that's impossible to do with the MAGA Republicans who don't understand and have no interest in governing. And that's going to be the problem for them going into this election. They have shown the American people that they absolutely cannot be trusted with any kind of power.

COATES: Let me just tell you that one second. I want to hear your response to this as well because we're talking around and about the so-called people. But there's a new NBC News poll out, I want to share it with people, and they asked a question of who they think would do a better job at securing the border. Fifty-seven percent think --

WALSH: Not close.

COATES: -- that Trump would do. I mean, that's not even, I don't want to do math tonight, but even double 22 is not 57. They seem to trust Donald Trump's philosophy more than they do Trump. And yet, who's going to own this issue?

CARDONA: Right. Exactly.

WALSH: This is -- this thing is going to be dead probably tomorrow. We'll be done talking about it tomorrow.

(LAUGHTER) WALSH: And I don't think it will hurt Republicans because, Laura, I think that number is baked in. And Republicans will be able to spin this maybe in a better fashion than I have. But I think this will -- ultimately, this issue is a weak issue for the Democrats.

COATES: Is now -- is part of this reason, and I wonder if you think this, you mentioned in the beginning, the timing, that he did nothing for three years? You disagree with that philosophy as well.


COATES: But the timing of it, that this is coming during the election year, is that what's hurting the perception of Biden being able to do a better job at the border than Trump?

CARDONA: I think it's more than that. I think it's -- as you know, immigration is an incredibly complicated issue, and Republicans have done a great job of weaponizing it against Joe Biden and the Democrats.

WALSH: They demagogue. They demagogue.

CARDONA: There is no question about that. This, what is happening at the border, is not Joe Biden's fault. And anyone who understands global migration, what happened during COVID, real foreign policy will understand that.

WALSH: Rigged some (INAUDIBLE) --

CARDONA: Hang on. Hang on. Hang on, Joe. Hang on, Joe. What the president did the first day in office was he offered, and it is still there in Congress waiting for Republicans and it'll never get any attention because it's actually a real solution, comprehensive immigration reform, which we all know is the way to solve this.

You cannot have just draconian border security and that's it, and believe that people will stop coming. People will not stop coming because of what's going on the global migration stage and what they are suffering in their own country.

WALSH: It's not just --

CARDONA: We have to find a way to balance the flow of people wanting to come here.

WALSH: Agreed with all that, but the polling has been consistent. It's not just the republican base that believes Trump is stronger. When -- before and after he got elected, Biden encouraged immigrants to come.

CARDONA: That's not true --

WALSH: He actually got rid of a few of the things, the Trump's policies that actually worked, and he hasn't --

CARDONA: Because they were horrendous. WALSH: -- enforced -- but he hasn't enforced laws he could -- as he should have.

CARDONA: I think -- I think the problem is that I don't believe Joe Biden or Democrats have leaned into immigration as much as they should because they are the ones who believe in a balanced approach, and a balanced approach is what the majority of Americans actually do agree with. That is what would fix it. Look --

COATES: Hold on. Maria, on that point --



COATES: -- you talked about the balanced approach. This is important.


COATES: I think that people do agree that a balanced approach is necessary.


COATES: But the question is, what are they balancing? That's the factors of people. You hear people talk about the idea of ports of entry, talk about the impact, even in cities led by Democrats. There is tension. So, what are the balances?


CARDONA: And so, part of that is to accept additional border security. And by the way, on those cities, that's critical. Joe Biden and this administration offered billions of dollars to help those cities that Republicans were pointing to, saying, look at what Joe Biden caused, which, of course, wasn't the case, and they said no.

So again, the hypocrisy here for Republicans is rampant, and I do think that Democrats have a chance to turn this around and really talk about what works because Americans, they threw -- they threw Donald Trump out of office because of the draconian ways in which he talked about immigration that did not work.

WALSH: I agree with -- I agree with Maria that Republicans at this point are playing politics, but I think there's a three-year history here where they don't trust this president because he didn't act.

COATES: Well, look, you get the last word because her blazer outshines.

WALSH: I love that blazer.


WALSH: Laura --


CARDONA: Next time.

COATES: No, last one was happened. I'm sorry. Next time --

WALSH: I love that blazer.

COATES: -- come with sparkly tie.

CARDONA: There you go.

COATES: I've given you the last word. Okay, Maria, Joe, thank you so much.

CARDONA: Thanks, Laura.

COATES: Up next, the case that could determine the course of November's election. What Donald Trump's attorneys will argue before the United States Supreme Court and what Venezuela has to do with it.




COATES: Another critical week for Donald Trump, which could have some major implications for election day in November if, of course, he becomes the nominee. But how much do Americans really care about Trump's legal problems?

Well, a new CNN poll finds that most voters want his federal election subversion case resolved before the election. Forty-five percent of voters say that his actions after 2020 election were illegal, 32% say that his actions were unethical, but not illegal, and 23% say that Trump did nothing wrong at all.

Let's break it all down with former federal prosecutor and contributing editor at "New York Magazine," Ankush Khardori. Thank you for being here. Just look at those numbers. I mean, people wanting to have some resolution, either a trial starting or, of course, completing before election day. That's in November. Is that possible that it could happen?

ANKUSH KHARDORI, CONTRIBUTING EDITOR AT NEW YORK MAGAZINE, FORMER FEDERAL PROSECUTOR: I think it's possible but, of course, the odds are going down --

COATES: Uh-hmm.

KHARDORI: -- as a result of the delay at the D.C. Circuit. Let's just say, hypothetically, the decision came out tomorrow, right, there would be a process of potential on-bank review and Supreme Court review. The judges and the justices could potentially truncate that, but that's going to be up to them. Right? This is really within the hands of the judges and the justices at this point. If things sort of broke the right way for the government, I do think that there could be a trial over the summer or early fall. Judge Chutkan seems to have alluded to that just today in court, actually. So, it's possible, but the odds are going down.

COATES: There's also another case involving whether he actually remained on the ballot in places like Colorado and beyond. The Supreme Court contemplating the 14th Amendment and that insurrection clause. He has not been charged with insurrection, we should note. He has not been convicted of it. And, of course, he was not removed from office during the impeachment process dealing with these set of issues.

But they're claiming that it's up to the voters to have him on the ballot or not. It's up to the voters to decide whether he should be on that ballot, not the courts, not some plaintiff. You call that superficial. Why?

KHARDORI: Yeah. You know, I think that there are plenty of thorny legal issues here and plenty of thorny legal issues that I think the conservatives and justices will use to resolve this in favor of Donald Trump. However, I think the notion that removing him from the ballot would be anti-democratic is sort of facile, right?

We have a Constitution, we have laws that are designed to structure our elections, including by setting qualifications. Judges and courts assess whether or not candidates are qualified for public office from time to time. The question is whether they're doing that in line with the relevant rules and statutory laws and constitutional provisions.

The mere fact that they may be enforced that, you know, Colorado enforced it in a particular way, yeah, I mean, it takes it out of the hands of the voters, but it is also democratic in the sense that, you know, the Constitution is a democratic document, Congress has statutes, state laws that govern elections are democratic sort of instruments.

COATES: Uh-hmm.

KHARDORI: So, I think it's just too simple to say it's anti- democratic.

COATES: Well, how about the argument that he is not an officer? By the definition, according to what an officer's responsibilities are for the American public at home, there's a clause that talks about taking an oath of office, but doesn't say the president of the United States as does other sections of the Constitution. Does that hold water for you?

KHARDORI: I think that that argument might have some legs --

COATES: Really?

KHARDORI: -- with the Supreme Court, particularly the conservatives. The authority around this is sufficiently ambiguous. There has been a pretty good law review article written by a law professor named Kurt Lash, who wrote an op-ed about that for the "Times." And, you know, I think, look, really, we just got to get down to brass tacks here. This isn't some intellectual exercise. The justices are real people with real, like sort of, you know, ideologies and political preferences.

COATES: Uh-hmm.

KHARDORI: And we have to just be real about this. I just think the odds that they would look at this sort of complex of legal issues and boot Trump off the ballot, I just think it is kind of wishful thinking.

COATES: Well, let me ask you this. You have a good piece out, too, talking about the reality of the prospect of what it would happen if a former president were convicted and placed in jail. I mean, the first thing that comes to mind is Secret Service.


It is the idea of the impracticality. Not only the global stage and the views worldwide about what that looked like for American presidents to go to prison, but you've written about the impracticality of it.

KHARDORI: Yeah, there would be some real challenges. And, you know, I interviewed a Secret Service agent who was on George W. Bush's detail. He was telling me like, look, when we were -- when I was doing this, we thought about every possible way that someone could hurt the president. The notion of having to protect the president at prison never came up.

And this is a subject that obviously gives them some anxiety because their principal objective is to protect the president. But having him, you know, roam around in maybe a minimum-security prison with a whole bunch of other people, you know, that same agent told me, you know, it may not be that someone wants to assassinate President Trump. Maybe they just want to punch him. Right?

So, like, and that's a risk too that he needs to be protected against as the former president or at least that the Secret Service would want to protect him against. So, there would be a lot of complex issues. I think they would be manageable, but it would not be a straightforward process that I think a lot of people think.

COATES: There's so much to consider. And again, he has not been convicted. That has not happened. The trials have not taken place. The civil consequences don't lead to trial to prison in the same respect anyway, but this is really a good food for thought. Thank you, Ankush. Really important.

KHARDORI: Thanks for having me.

COATES: Up next, there is more to come. A very special guest tonight in studio, Grammy-winning rapper and artist, Jeezy. We'll talk about his brand-new book on how he made it to where he is today. Back in a moment. (COMMERCIAL BREAK)





COATES: That was then rapper Young Jeezy 2015 hit record "Put On" and we're all loving it still. Today, he makes it under the name Jeezy. That's not all. Jeezy also writes books under the name Jay "Jeezy" Jenkins. His first book, "Adversity for Sale" is in bookstores right now. It's a "New York Times" bestseller twice or three or four times over.

And legendary Jeezy is here with me now. So good to see you in studio. I'm happy to meet you this way.

JAY "JEEZY" JENKINS, RAPPER, AUTHOR: Likewise, likewise.

COATES: I'm telling you, this book, first of all, I had to find it because it was sold out everywhere. Everyone was trying to read it. And when I went and said, I'm trying to find this, they go, oh, it's in the business section.


COATES: And I thought, oh, I love this.


COATES: I mean, you wrote this book from the perspective of trying to help people understand how to manifest their destiny.

JENKINS: Right. It was -- I wrote it as a motivational memoir.

COATES: Uh-hmm.

JENKINS: Right? And it has a lot of my older business skills in it to how I got here. So, I just felt like it should be in the business section because it's all about, you know, self-help, business, adversity, all the things that make people successful.

COATES: Well, it should be because when you read the book, you really go through the journey, not just the here and now, but what it takes to get from point A to point B when you feel like there's nothing but yourself and your resilience to propel you. That was really important to convey.

JENKINS: Yeah, because, for me, there was no book that I could pick up. So, what you got is a combination of a lot of books I read, a lot of things that I've learned in my life that I want to just put in book form. And I know everybody doesn't like to read, so what I did was I did the audio book in my voice because I know the people who really love me love my music, so that helped out a lot, too.

But when you read that book, that's everything I am. The reason why it starts the way it starts and ends the way it ends, because now I'm working on my next book, which is my next chapter of life.

COATES: I mean, your evolution is really on display.


COATES: I do wonder -- it's very vulnerable as well --

JENKINS: Absolutely.

COATES: -- to tell everyone about your private life, your journey.

JENKINS: Absolutely.

COATES: There's a public persona --


COATES: -- and then there is what you might want to keep to yourself --


COATES: -- but you share it all.

JENKINS: I mean, I just think that, you know, honesty is -- vulnerability is power. We start there. And, you know, if you're going to be honest, you've got to be all the way honest. But mind you, there are some things that were took out the book for my lawyer. You know, statue.

COATES: What were those?

JENKINS: Statue of limitations.


COATES: You're talking about that part of the book. I'm interested in that.

JENKINS: Give you several more years. We'll come back, and we'll chop it up.


COATES: Well, you talk about the things that made you -- I mean, you described, at some points, getting dressed in the morning --


COATES: -- and feeling like, this might be the last thing I put on.

JENKINS: Yeah, yeah, yeah. COATES: This might be what I die in.


COATES: I mean, there is such trauma interwoven in that.

JENKINS: I mean -- but it comes with the culture of what we do. I mean, music is, you know, primarily the streets. You know what I mean? It's these kids coming out of these neighborhoods and they still bring a lot of this stuff with them. And for me, it was just my reality.

I didn't say it, you know, to make light of it because that's how I felt. I want people to know the severity of it because this was my everyday life. And when you see me now, you see the finished product. You have to know I went through these things to get here.

COATES: For people who know your music --

JENKINS: Uh-hmm.

COATES: -- but may not have gone beyond that --


COATES: -- the person and the man behind the music.


COATES: People may be learning about you in this realm for the first time.

JENKINS: Uh-hmm.

COATES: Can you just describe what -- how you would characterize your journey?

JENKINS: My journey has always been about evolution. My journey has always been about empowering, teaching. That's why my first album was called "Thug Motivation."

COATES: Uh-hmm.

JENKINS: My second album was called "The Inspiration." My album after that was called "The Recession."


So, if you look at the titles and the intentions of it, it is always giving people the game that I've learned and the things that I've, you know, just started to understand because I think the disconnect is we think that we got to stay the same way to still be successful and that's not true.

You have to give yourself permission to evolve. You have to give yourself permission to keep learning, to keep growing, and to be successful on different levels that you could never imagine. I would never have thought I would be a "New York Times" best-selling author, you know, let alone sell 30s and 40s of million records. You know, you just didn't -- you couldn't tell the people who went to middle school with me -- I dropped out of school in the sixth grade, by the way. You know, you're writing books now. Imagine that.

And then I always tell people, too, like, you know, we love the art and we love the artist, but when you can find an artist that his values and his purpose align with his art, then that's somebody that I want to follow. That's how I go about it, you know?

COATES: Well, the relatability and also just the reality that you speak of. I mean, there is the connective tissue --


COATES: -- in this book. And I found myself reading it and going, although the experiences might not be identical, thinking, I have felt that way.

JENKINS: For sure.

COATES: I can dig into that particular moment and thought, the adversities that people are faced with on a daily basis, there is transferable knowledge there. What I thought interesting is you refused to be pigeonholed. You can't really -- you don't want --


COATES: -- to be defined as one thing.

JENKINS: No. You know, you can't tell my kids all I was a great artist

COATES: Uh-hmm.

JENKINS: I want to be a great father. I want to be a great brother. I want to be a great leader. I want to be a great student. You know, teacher, all the things because it's your life. You have the right to be all the things that you want to be.

And I just hate when people try to box you in. And by the way, when you try to box me in, I'm going to always do it to show you that I can do it. You know, I had people that went to school with me, and I told them I was going to be a big star one day.

COATES: Uh-hmm.

JENKINS: And they were, like, you're crazy. You know, and when I go back to my hometown and I see people, I just go, you know, remember that conversation we had? Right? I'm not done yet.


COATES: You're not done yet? JENKINS: I'm not done yet. I'm just getting started.

COATES: How do you help people to feel what you're describing is that sense of agency and that sense of worth to know that they can do? A lot of people use politics as that venue.


COATES: They want to put their dreams and hopes in somebody to represent them.


COATES: That's one form of having power or using it.


COATES: How do you think people can do more to have that same feeling of power that you have?

JENKINS: I think, for me, I just lead by example. You know, I'm not a -- I'm not a -- I'm not a role model. I'm not any of those things. But I'm a man of my word.

COATES: But you might be. You are to some people.

JENKINS: I'm just a man of my word. I say what I mean, I mean what I say, and I do what I say. And for me, I just try to lead by example because I know a lot of these younger generation are coming from places that I came from.

But then, you know, you're also coming into a lot of money, a lot of power. You got to understand, it's bigger than just the music. You're in a position of leadership. If you don't take that seriously, it's just like somebody being the next president. If you don't take that seriously, what happens to the rest of us? So, if I'm following you and you're not -- you're not integral, what does that take me?

You know, I love -- that's one of the reasons why I love Tupac. He was willing to die for what he believed in, you know? How many people can say that? Not saying that was the right thing because I would love to still see him here, but he believed in it so much that he put his life on the line, you know? And I feel like that's integral.

And I feel like when you're in a position of leadership, you got to look at the people that are following your art, your music, and your way of life. And you got to look at that, you got to know that you're responsible for that, that you're responsible, because they're following you.

COATES: That's a lesson for many a member of Congress, I should tell you, and many a candidate.


You know, a lot of people say they want to lead and then don't necessarily adhere to the same philosophies you speak of. I do wonder, when people know you from your music and your artistry, I wonder what you think of the level of respect that is conveyed to an artist from your genre as opposed to others. Do you feel as though you have the respect?

JENKINS: I feel like I'm a statesman. I feel like that I've done enough in my career, you know, and I've done enough in my life that my word is my bond. And I feel like the respect is beyond the music. It is how people see me move. It's the rooms that I put myself in. It's the conversations that I have. It's the vulnerability that I've given people when you don't -- you don't do things like that.

I'm a big mental health advocate because I feel like I went through those things. I know that there are people out there that's going through these things that don't want to, you know, admit to it or speak on it because they feel like it's weak.

Tell them in a minute, you know, I go see a therapist. I have no problem with that because it's going to make me a better father, it's going make me a better man. You know, it's just certain things. And I think that's where the respect come.

And the thing that I love is I've never been in a situation where somebody came to me and said, you know, I like you for a certain song or I like you for a certain thing.


It's always, hey man, you changed my life, bro. And this is grown men, this is younger guys, this is older women that just come to me and say, you know, my son listened to you, you changed his life, and I just want to thank you for that. And that's what I do it for. So, if that's what you call respect, I'll take that.

COATES: I mean, just thinking about what that must feel like, kind of a weight must be on you, knowing even though you're not a role model --

JENKINS: Uh-hmm.

COATES: -- when people are seeing themselves in you --

JENKINS: Uh-hmm.

COATES: -- you want their reflection to be accurate.

JENKINS: Well, I just think you've got to just do the best you can every day and just be solid with yourself. You know what I'm saying? I do the things that are going to make you a better person. I'm big on that. You know, I meditate, I journal. Anything that I feel like is going to put me in a place where I could be the best version of myself, that's what I'm going do.

We are all humans. We all make mistakes. I'm still a solid individual. Like I'm not going to walk outside and not be me. But at the same time, my mental is in a lot of -- in a way better space than it was. And I'm showing people that it's okay to evolve and it's okay to get yourself permission to evolve. You know what I'm saying?

COATES: Tell me what's behind the name of the book.

JENKINS: Why the name of the book?

COATES: Uh-hmm. "Adversity for Sale."

JENKINS: I mean, I feel like I've sold everything else, per my grandmother. You know, from her front porch. You know what I mean? So, I've always been a hustler.

And why not sell what made me great? I mean, I think that, you know, I've been through a lot of obstacles, I came out on top, I kept my integrity, and I think that's what makes me different. That's my art. That's what I sell. I sell motivation.

And I felt why not adversity? Because people see you lose, and then they see you win again, but you remain the same. I didn't let that determine who I was going to be as an individual, you know.

COATES: I love it. Well, I love it. I want to say, I tried.

JENKINS: You got bars, too.


COATES: I mean, that's really the only bars that I have. I'm actually done for the evening. Jeezy, thank you. It was really a pleasure to get to know you through this book.

JENKINS: Uh-hmm.

COATES: Really, really very insightful. Thank you so much.

JENKINS: For sure.

COATES: We'll be right back.




COATES: Health concerns for the British royal family have Prince Harry heading back to the U.K. to see his father. Buckingham Palace announcing King Charles has cancer. The announcement coming after he had a prostate procedure just last month.

A royal source telling CNN the king does not have prostate cancer, but the palace did not specify the type of cancer he does have. They say the king will step back from his public-facing duties, but will keep carrying out his constitutional role.

Here with me with more, Tricia Goddard, host of "The week with Trisha Goddard." Trisha, thank you so much for being here today. We're hearing this news this morning. And today, this after the recent news, of course, about the procedure he had, Harry is going to visit his father, and we all are very familiar now with that very strained relationship. What does that say about the seriousness then of the king's condition?

TRISHA GODDARD, HOST, "THE WEEK WITH TRISHA GODDARD": Well, for one thing, any parent who announces, who tells their family, their children, that they've got cancer, the kids are going to, you know, want to be by their parents' side.

I think what we'll be telling is whether other members of the royal family are increasingly involved in carrying out appointments that the king would otherwise make.

This has been a really tumultuous time for the royal family because if you remember, the Duchess of York first had breast cancer. That turned out to be melanoma. And then we've had Princess Kate in a hospital for abdominal surgery. And initially, William was going to step back. So, he's more of a hands-on father, obviously, than his own dad was.

And now, it has been announced, just before we got this cancer diagnosis talked about, announced that Prince William would be stepping in and actually doing more, you know, of the king's royal appointments.

COATES: And the palace has said that Queen Camilla will step up while the king undergoes his treatment. But Trisha, what does happen if the king is too ill to do his duties even for a short amount of time? Does somebody else step in fully?

GODDARD: Yes, he has -- it can be Prince William. It can be the Princess Royal, Princess Anne. It can be Camilla. They can all step in. But still, they've probably already got pretty packed diaries as it is. One wonders, wouldn't it be great if Harry, while in the U.K., could start doing some of those duties? I think if he did, it would go an enormous way to sort of welcome him back -- welcome him back into the royal family.

COATES: The number of working royals, as they say, I think is the phrase that's used. We travel, represent the monarchy, really has dwindled in recent years in part because Prince Harry --


COATES: -- and Prince Andrew are out of action. But now, the king will be sidelined, even temporarily. And there's this quote attributed to the late Queen Elizabeth, that the monarchy has to be -- quote -- "seen to be believed." And so, you think about all that's going on right now, how does this impact how the public perceives them if they're not as visible?

GODDARD: Well, they're not as visible, but I think they've probably become more relatable, dare I say, through illness, you know, showing that they're mortal. So many people -- there's a figure out that says one in two people around the world will go through a cancer situation in their lives, never mind about the families around it. So, in many ways, I think, you know, looking at the media and looking at the comments online, people are shocked because of this kind of view that the royal family is invincible, immortal. And now, it has shown they can get ill just like us.

And one of the reasons that King Charles actually spoke about his enlarged prostate is because, as a 75-year-old man, there are thousands and thousands of men who have, you know, similar situations. And the websites online said there was a huge uptick in people seeking out signs and symptoms and early diagnosis and what have you.


I mean, it's the sort of publicity, preventative health publicity, that cancer organizations and charities can only dream of. I'm not saying that -- you know, I'm saying that for the average person in the street, I actually think their hearts will warm towards the royal family.

A lot of Republicans have been saying online, well, I'm a Republican. Normally, I wouldn't care. However, my uncle, my aunt, somebody in my family went through a cancer diagnosis. And you know what? My heart is there for them.

COATES: That's really important. And to use the platform for this really extraordinary means and reason, you cannot escape that. And we do need to raise awareness at all costs for any reason. Really quick though, Trisha, you mentioned, Kate, do we know anything about the abdominal surgery or the why? We still haven't heard reporting as to the source of the surgery or the why, right? Is that odd?

GODDARD: No. Well, I can kind of understand it. I think it's very different from a 75-year-old man with grown-up children to a woman in her early 40s with very young children. We don't know what the issue is around it nor should we have to.

I think we've forgotten that the royals are first -- I mean, this is something I'm always going on about, you know, with the falling out between Harry and William and what have you. It is a royal family. And it doesn't matter how many bits of gold or jewelry you have on your head. You are a family.

And when you have health concerns, I think there's a grieving. Well, there is a grieving for what could have been, how you would have been, what you normally would have been doing.

And it takes different people different amounts of time to be able to face that themselves, to tell their families, to deal with it, to deal with very young children and explain it to them, and then, if at all, to feel comfortable enough to come out and say, you know, this is what I'm going through. So, I mean, we can't hurry nor should we wish to hurry a very real, a very human process.

COATES: Well, as a mother, I value my privacy and the conversations I would have with my children.


COATES: And so, I certainly understand that desire to do so, even if one has a title of sorts. Trisha Goddard, thank you so much for joining us. We'll be right back.




COATES: Destructive weather slamming California, creating major flooding and also dangerous mudslides. This was the scene in a Beverly Hills neighborhood, cars completely trapped in muck.

And the threat is not over. An intense, long-lasting atmospheric river is moving across California, bringing widespread power outages, mudslides, and life-threatening flooding as it dumps heavy rain and snow.

In L.A., more than 120 mudslides were reported and about 25 structures were damaged. And look at this. A driver stuck on the roof of a car trapped in floodwaters along the Pacific Coast Highway, no less. It is closed and at least two different places after storm damage made it unsafe to even travel.

Thank you all for watching. I'm going to go on my Instagram live and do our after-show and commemorate a very important birthday of one Trayvon Martin. He would have been 29 years old today. Our coverage continues.