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Gore Snubs Lieberman

Aired December 11, 2003 - 13:33   ET

THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.

THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.


MILES O'BRIEN, CNN ANCHOR: Now, in the crowded field of Democratic candidates, polls indicate Howard Dean is the man to beat. Of course, the primaries haven't started just yet. But is the White House worried about a Dean challenge to a popular wartime president?
CNN's senior political analyst Bill Schneider is in Washington with more on all of this.

And, Bill, first of all, has the White House sort of signaled out Dean as the likely opponent?

WILLIAM SCHNEIDER, CNN SR. POLITICAL ANALYST: Yes, they do believe it's going to be Howard Dean. And publicly, their reaction to the possibility of a Dean nomination is worry, careful, wary. But privately, we're told, if you talk to Republican strategists and pollsters, their view of the prospect of running against Howard Dean can be summarized in a single word: glee. They think he'd be the easiest Democrat to beat, too liberal, not enough national or international experience, a Northeastern governor, another Michael Dukakis, but they won't say it publicly.

O'BRIEN: OK, so we're talking Michael Dukakis, George McGovern, Barry Goldwater kind of realm here, huh?

SCHNEIDER: Well, that's what the Republicans think, that he is a movement candidate, who seems too out of the mainstream of the -- of most Americans in the heartland. He's a coastal candidate. You hear all that.

If there's any cause for concern, it's that he is building a movement, a movement like Goldwater and McGovern built, but also like Reagan, that he's building a movement of people who haven't been much involved in politics before, who could suddenly storm the polls. Goldwater used to talk about a hidden majority of Americans who would vote for him if they were offered, quote, "a choice, not an echo." That's why Republicans say he could just as much a disaster for Democrats as Goldwater was for them.

O'BRIEN: Well, Bill, what is the key to turning that intra-party movement into something that really catches fire in a national election? In other words, how do you go from being Goldwater to being Reagan?

SCHNEIDER: The answer lies with the White House, with George Bush. Ronald Reagan won because Jimmy Carter, the incumbent president, was in so much trouble. Voters were very nervous about voting for Ronald Reagan. He was too old, he was too extreme, he was too right wing, didn't have enough world experience, but they voted for him because they said, look, in the end, we just can't re-elect Jimmy Carter.

If George Bush, the current president, George Bush is in enough trouble a year from now, then voters are going to say, they could say, we'll even vote for Howard Dean, because we just can't take another four year of George Bush. He is not in that kind of trouble right now. But, you know, it's a long time before next November.

O'BRIEN: Let's talk about spoilers for a moment. Last go around, Ralph Nader. Appears maybe this go-round, it could be Ralph Nader once again. Let's take a look at the numbers for just a moment. As we look at him, we know today there's been an exploratory committee out there. He's clearly dancing on the edge of putting his hat in the ring. This is in 2000. these are voters who went for Nader. And they basically are saying 47 percent of them would have been Gore supporters otherwise, 30 percent of them would not have voted. But in other words, it obviously hurt Gore more. And clearly, the Nader factor is what kept Gore out of the White House.

Now, raising the possibility of Nader being back in the mix again, with the possibility of it being Howard Dean, does that negate his spoiler status because Dean is so much more liberal?

SCHNEIDER: Yes, well, look, he's still the Democrats' nightmare. If Nader were to run for president, the Democrats would just -- they'd want to lock him up somewhere, because he is a disaster for Democrats. Look, he got 50,000 votes in Florida, a state that George Bush carried by 537, I believe.

So, look, Ralph Nader is a nightmare for Democrat. And the question is, why would he want to run if Howard Dean is the nominee? Howard dean is about as close to Nader as any Democrat. Maybe he prefers Dennis Kucinich, I don't know. But the fact is, no one can figure out a justification for Nader to run, unless it's simply ego, which, you know, is pretty prevalent among politicians.

O'BRIEN: And I'm afraid that's the inescapable conclusion here, that it's all about ego, because it's doing nothing, clearly, to help his party.

SCHNEIDER: He's not a Democrat, he's a Green, and greens want to make a statement.

O'BRIEN: Yes, right, fair enough. That's a good point and thank you for correcting me on that.

Let's talk for a moment about John Kerry today. He's coming out, he's trying to make corporate greed and avarice, which we've read so much about over the past few years, a central part of at least today's message. Now that issue is an issue which, you would think, would stick to the Bush presidency in a negative way. It hasn't. Why not?

SCHNEIDER: It hasn't, because even though Bush comes out of the corporate world -- in fact, let me tell you something -- there have been only two presidents who were business executives, and both of them were named Bush. This administration is the most corporate administration in American history.

There are, I believe, five corporate former CEOs in the cabinet. Bush, Cheney, both former CEOs. You would think a major corporate scandal, such as we experienced in the last couple of years, would have just blown the bush White House out. But it didn't. I think there are two reasons. One is Bush has a strong reputation for personal character and integrity, so these issues really didn't affect him, even though Ken Lay, the head of Enron, was one of Bush's -- I think he was the Bush -- the biggest contributor to George Bush.

The other reason is not just that bush has a strong reputation for character, but he acted very quickly to condemn the wrongdoers, the evildoers in the corporate world, and to say this was an issue of prosecution, not regulation. We don't have to change the laws. But prosecution, we have to go after the evildoers. And when George Bush says things like that, a lot of voters say, well, that's what he does.

O'BRIEN: Almost as if they were corporate leaders of DuPont, maker of teflon.

SCHNEIDER: That's right, Exactly.

O'BRIEN: Bill Schneider, just a little bit of politics for us.

TO ORDER A VIDEO OF THIS TRANSCRIPT, PLEASE CALL 800-CNN-NEWS OR USE OUR SECURE ONLINE ORDER FORM LOCATED AT www.fdch.com






Aired December 11, 2003 - 13:33   ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
MILES O'BRIEN, CNN ANCHOR: Now, in the crowded field of Democratic candidates, polls indicate Howard Dean is the man to beat. Of course, the primaries haven't started just yet. But is the White House worried about a Dean challenge to a popular wartime president?
CNN's senior political analyst Bill Schneider is in Washington with more on all of this.

And, Bill, first of all, has the White House sort of signaled out Dean as the likely opponent?

WILLIAM SCHNEIDER, CNN SR. POLITICAL ANALYST: Yes, they do believe it's going to be Howard Dean. And publicly, their reaction to the possibility of a Dean nomination is worry, careful, wary. But privately, we're told, if you talk to Republican strategists and pollsters, their view of the prospect of running against Howard Dean can be summarized in a single word: glee. They think he'd be the easiest Democrat to beat, too liberal, not enough national or international experience, a Northeastern governor, another Michael Dukakis, but they won't say it publicly.

O'BRIEN: OK, so we're talking Michael Dukakis, George McGovern, Barry Goldwater kind of realm here, huh?

SCHNEIDER: Well, that's what the Republicans think, that he is a movement candidate, who seems too out of the mainstream of the -- of most Americans in the heartland. He's a coastal candidate. You hear all that.

If there's any cause for concern, it's that he is building a movement, a movement like Goldwater and McGovern built, but also like Reagan, that he's building a movement of people who haven't been much involved in politics before, who could suddenly storm the polls. Goldwater used to talk about a hidden majority of Americans who would vote for him if they were offered, quote, "a choice, not an echo." That's why Republicans say he could just as much a disaster for Democrats as Goldwater was for them.

O'BRIEN: Well, Bill, what is the key to turning that intra-party movement into something that really catches fire in a national election? In other words, how do you go from being Goldwater to being Reagan?

SCHNEIDER: The answer lies with the White House, with George Bush. Ronald Reagan won because Jimmy Carter, the incumbent president, was in so much trouble. Voters were very nervous about voting for Ronald Reagan. He was too old, he was too extreme, he was too right wing, didn't have enough world experience, but they voted for him because they said, look, in the end, we just can't re-elect Jimmy Carter.

If George Bush, the current president, George Bush is in enough trouble a year from now, then voters are going to say, they could say, we'll even vote for Howard Dean, because we just can't take another four year of George Bush. He is not in that kind of trouble right now. But, you know, it's a long time before next November.

O'BRIEN: Let's talk about spoilers for a moment. Last go around, Ralph Nader. Appears maybe this go-round, it could be Ralph Nader once again. Let's take a look at the numbers for just a moment. As we look at him, we know today there's been an exploratory committee out there. He's clearly dancing on the edge of putting his hat in the ring. This is in 2000. these are voters who went for Nader. And they basically are saying 47 percent of them would have been Gore supporters otherwise, 30 percent of them would not have voted. But in other words, it obviously hurt Gore more. And clearly, the Nader factor is what kept Gore out of the White House.

Now, raising the possibility of Nader being back in the mix again, with the possibility of it being Howard Dean, does that negate his spoiler status because Dean is so much more liberal?

SCHNEIDER: Yes, well, look, he's still the Democrats' nightmare. If Nader were to run for president, the Democrats would just -- they'd want to lock him up somewhere, because he is a disaster for Democrats. Look, he got 50,000 votes in Florida, a state that George Bush carried by 537, I believe.

So, look, Ralph Nader is a nightmare for Democrat. And the question is, why would he want to run if Howard Dean is the nominee? Howard dean is about as close to Nader as any Democrat. Maybe he prefers Dennis Kucinich, I don't know. But the fact is, no one can figure out a justification for Nader to run, unless it's simply ego, which, you know, is pretty prevalent among politicians.

O'BRIEN: And I'm afraid that's the inescapable conclusion here, that it's all about ego, because it's doing nothing, clearly, to help his party.

SCHNEIDER: He's not a Democrat, he's a Green, and greens want to make a statement.

O'BRIEN: Yes, right, fair enough. That's a good point and thank you for correcting me on that.

Let's talk for a moment about John Kerry today. He's coming out, he's trying to make corporate greed and avarice, which we've read so much about over the past few years, a central part of at least today's message. Now that issue is an issue which, you would think, would stick to the Bush presidency in a negative way. It hasn't. Why not?

SCHNEIDER: It hasn't, because even though Bush comes out of the corporate world -- in fact, let me tell you something -- there have been only two presidents who were business executives, and both of them were named Bush. This administration is the most corporate administration in American history.

There are, I believe, five corporate former CEOs in the cabinet. Bush, Cheney, both former CEOs. You would think a major corporate scandal, such as we experienced in the last couple of years, would have just blown the bush White House out. But it didn't. I think there are two reasons. One is Bush has a strong reputation for personal character and integrity, so these issues really didn't affect him, even though Ken Lay, the head of Enron, was one of Bush's -- I think he was the Bush -- the biggest contributor to George Bush.

The other reason is not just that bush has a strong reputation for character, but he acted very quickly to condemn the wrongdoers, the evildoers in the corporate world, and to say this was an issue of prosecution, not regulation. We don't have to change the laws. But prosecution, we have to go after the evildoers. And when George Bush says things like that, a lot of voters say, well, that's what he does.

O'BRIEN: Almost as if they were corporate leaders of DuPont, maker of teflon.

SCHNEIDER: That's right, Exactly.

O'BRIEN: Bill Schneider, just a little bit of politics for us.

TO ORDER A VIDEO OF THIS TRANSCRIPT, PLEASE CALL 800-CNN-NEWS OR USE OUR SECURE ONLINE ORDER FORM LOCATED AT www.fdch.com