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American Morning
War with Iraq Could be Just a Day and a Half Away
Aired March 18, 2003 - 07:30 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
PAULA ZAHN, CNN ANCHOR: Topping the news this morning, war with Iraq could be just a day and a half away. President Bush started the clock ticking last night, giving Saddam Hussein and his sons exactly two days to leave the country. Well, today, Saddam's oldest son Uday says President Bush is the one who should step down and that Americans won't be safe anywhere if Iraq is attacked.
U.N. inspectors are on the move, leaving Baghdad. Some have already arrived in Cyprus.
Let's go back to Kuwait, where Bill Hemmer is standing by -- good morning, Bill.
What's going on there today?
BILL HEMMER, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Paula, quite remarkable to be in this city yet again. This is my third trip here in the past two months and to really gauge the reaction from the people as to how they're either getting ready for this conflict or not.
I want to show you a small slice of life right now. You can see in the Persian Gulf waters behind me just out of our frame right now a set of jet skiers who essentially ride up and down for hours on end through an obstacle course. It is a far cry from the military buildup that we see only 15 miles outside of town.
Why is it this way? Kuwaitis will tell you a couple of reasons. The strong military presence, number one, 120,000 U.S. troops in this country occupying the northern third of Kuwait. In addition to that, they say it's a much different war this time because back in 1990 when the Iraqis came into this country, occupied it for five months, continually bringing in more Iraqi troops, eventually reaching a force of 300,000 within this small desert country. They say now 12 years later it's a much different war with a much different feel.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It's not like 1990. In 1990, we woke up, we found the Iraqis in here. I don't think anybody will attack Kuwait. It's, the attack is going to be hard on Iraq. I don't think he have the chance to attack Kuwait.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He has to be dealt like this, OK? He has to be, the way you deal with him, with force, OK? He has, yes, you can't stay with him, sit in front of him, talk to him, no. This kind of human being, he has to be forced to be, to do something.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
HEMMER: And the Kuwaitis will tell you, Paula, that it is very difficult for them as Muslims from a Muslim country to want to take on, in terms of the military sense, another Muslim country. They feel, though, that this conflict is inevitable and must be dealt with, they say, in order for the future of their country, Kuwait, to be prosperous. They say the threat of Saddam Hussein must be removed. Therefore they backed this military action that it looks like is more imminent with each passing hour.
Much more live in Kuwait in a matter of minutes -- back to you now in New York, Paula.
ZAHN: Bill, before we let you go, one quick question here. You showed us the jet skiers. I'm just wondering if you spoke with anybody who is concerned enough about the prospect of war that they are heading out of Kuwait.
HEMMER: Yes, we have spoken. In fact, yesterday our cameras were out at the airport. Quite interesting to note, Paula, there were about 200 Brits lined up to take a British Airways flight out of Kuwait City. But coming into the airport this time, the place was virtually empty. On the previous two trips of coming into Kuwait City, Paula, there were Kuwaitis by the hundreds waiting for people to disembark and get off airplanes. We saw none of that yesterday.
The people who have wanted to leave this country by and large have already gotten out. And those who have decided to stay have stayed for various reasons, part of it, they say, because they do feel safe this time around.
ZAHN: Bill Hemmer, thanks so much.
We'll be checking in with you throughout the morning.
(NEWS ALERT)
ZAHN: We're going to travel to London now, where Prime Minister Tony Blair is in the fight of his political life as he faces members of his parliament today as they debate and vote over his decision to join the U.S. military action against Iraq without a second resolution, or what some are saying, 18th resolution.
Let's listen in.
TONY BLAIR, BRITISH PRIME MINISTER: Yes, of course, the liberal Democrats, unified as ever in opportunism and error. And the country and the parliament reflect each other. A debate that as time has gone on has become less bitter but no less grave.
So why does it matter so much? Because, Mr. Speaker, the outcome of this issue will now determine more than the fate of the Iraqi regime, more than the future of the Iraqi people, for so long brutalized by Saddam, important though those issues are.
It will determine the way Britain and the world confrontation the central security threat of the 21st century, the development of the United Nations, the relationship between Europe and the United States, the relations within the European Union and the way that the United States engages with the rest of the world.
So it could hardly be more important. It will determine the pattern of international politics for the next generation.
But first, Mr. Speaker, let us recap the history of Iraq and weapons of mass destruction.
In April, 9191, after the Gulf War, Iraq was given 15 days to provide a full and final declaration of all its weapons of mass destruction. Saddam had used the weapons against Iran, against his own people, causing thousands of deaths. He'd had plans to use them against allied forces. It became clear after the Gulf War that the WMD ambitions of Iraq were far more extensive than hitherto thought.
So the issue was identified by the United Nations at that time as one for urgent remedy. UNSCOM, the weapons inspection team, was set up, and they were expected to complete their task following the declaration at the end of April, 1991. The declaration, when it came, was false, a blanket denial of the program other than in a very tentative form. And so the 12 year game began.
The inspectors probed. Finally in March, 1992, Iraq admitted it had previously undeclared weapons of mass destruction but it said it had destroyed them. It gave another full and final declaration. Again, the inspectors probed. In October, 1994, Iraq then stopped cooperating with the weapons inspectors altogether. Military action was threatened. Inspections resumed.
In March, 1996, in an effort to rid Iraq of the inspectors, a further full and final declaration of WMD was made. By July, 1996, however, Iraq was force to admit that this declaration also was false.
In August, they provided yet another full and final declaration. Then a week later, Saddam's son-in-law, Hussein Kamil, defected to Jordan. He disclosed a far more extensive biological weapons program and for the first time said Iraq had weaponized the program, something Saddam had always strenuously denied.
All this had been happening whilst the inspectors were in Iraq. Kamil also revealed Iraq's crash program to produce a nuclear weapon in the 1990s. Iraq was forced then to release documents which showed just how extensive those programs were. In November, 1996, Jordan intercepted prohibits components from missiles that could be used for weapons of mass destruction. Then, a further full and final declaration was made. This, too, turned out to be false.
In June, 1997, inspectors were barred from specific sites. In September, 1997, lo and behold, another full and final declaration was made, also false.
Meanwhile, the inspectors discovered V.X. nerve agent production equipment, something always denied by the Iraqis. In October, 1997, the U.S. and the U.K. threatened military action if Iraq refused to comply with the inspectors. Finally under threat of action, in February 1998, Kofi Annan went to Baghdad, negotiated a memorandum with Saddam to allow inspections to continue. They did, for a few months. In August, cooperation was suspended.
In December, the inspectors left. Their final report is a withering indictment of Saddam's lies, deception and obstruction, with large quantities of WMD unaccounted for.
Then in December, 1998, the U.S. and the U.K. undertook Desert Fox, a targeted bombing campaign to degrade as much of the Iraqi WMD facility as we could.
In 1999, a new inspections team, UNMOVIC this time, was set up. Saddam refused to allow them even to enter Iraq.
ZAHN: You've been listening to the prime minister of Great Britain plowing through some prepared remarks in advance of what is expected to be a fierce open debate with members of his parliament. Now, the prime minister doesn't need parliamentary approval to take Britain into war, but he would face, or is expected to face, an open revolt in parliament, and some say that could be a major embarrassment. I think he gave us a preview of how he might confront some of the opposition when he started off by referring to the opposition as liberal Democrats this morning, unified, as ever, in his words, in opportunism and error.
This on the heels of a big setback yesterday. He lost a major cabinet minister. And this morning, two more Blair aides quit.
We plan to dip in and out of the debate once it gets under way. We just wanted to give you a flavor of how the prime minister is taking on some of his opponents today.
TO ORDER A VIDEO OF THIS TRANSCRIPT, PLEASE CALL 800-CNN-NEWS OR USE OUR SECURE ONLINE ORDER FORM LOCATED AT www.fdch.com
Aired March 18, 2003 - 07:30 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
PAULA ZAHN, CNN ANCHOR: Topping the news this morning, war with Iraq could be just a day and a half away. President Bush started the clock ticking last night, giving Saddam Hussein and his sons exactly two days to leave the country. Well, today, Saddam's oldest son Uday says President Bush is the one who should step down and that Americans won't be safe anywhere if Iraq is attacked.
U.N. inspectors are on the move, leaving Baghdad. Some have already arrived in Cyprus.
Let's go back to Kuwait, where Bill Hemmer is standing by -- good morning, Bill.
What's going on there today?
BILL HEMMER, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Paula, quite remarkable to be in this city yet again. This is my third trip here in the past two months and to really gauge the reaction from the people as to how they're either getting ready for this conflict or not.
I want to show you a small slice of life right now. You can see in the Persian Gulf waters behind me just out of our frame right now a set of jet skiers who essentially ride up and down for hours on end through an obstacle course. It is a far cry from the military buildup that we see only 15 miles outside of town.
Why is it this way? Kuwaitis will tell you a couple of reasons. The strong military presence, number one, 120,000 U.S. troops in this country occupying the northern third of Kuwait. In addition to that, they say it's a much different war this time because back in 1990 when the Iraqis came into this country, occupied it for five months, continually bringing in more Iraqi troops, eventually reaching a force of 300,000 within this small desert country. They say now 12 years later it's a much different war with a much different feel.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It's not like 1990. In 1990, we woke up, we found the Iraqis in here. I don't think anybody will attack Kuwait. It's, the attack is going to be hard on Iraq. I don't think he have the chance to attack Kuwait.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: He has to be dealt like this, OK? He has to be, the way you deal with him, with force, OK? He has, yes, you can't stay with him, sit in front of him, talk to him, no. This kind of human being, he has to be forced to be, to do something.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
HEMMER: And the Kuwaitis will tell you, Paula, that it is very difficult for them as Muslims from a Muslim country to want to take on, in terms of the military sense, another Muslim country. They feel, though, that this conflict is inevitable and must be dealt with, they say, in order for the future of their country, Kuwait, to be prosperous. They say the threat of Saddam Hussein must be removed. Therefore they backed this military action that it looks like is more imminent with each passing hour.
Much more live in Kuwait in a matter of minutes -- back to you now in New York, Paula.
ZAHN: Bill, before we let you go, one quick question here. You showed us the jet skiers. I'm just wondering if you spoke with anybody who is concerned enough about the prospect of war that they are heading out of Kuwait.
HEMMER: Yes, we have spoken. In fact, yesterday our cameras were out at the airport. Quite interesting to note, Paula, there were about 200 Brits lined up to take a British Airways flight out of Kuwait City. But coming into the airport this time, the place was virtually empty. On the previous two trips of coming into Kuwait City, Paula, there were Kuwaitis by the hundreds waiting for people to disembark and get off airplanes. We saw none of that yesterday.
The people who have wanted to leave this country by and large have already gotten out. And those who have decided to stay have stayed for various reasons, part of it, they say, because they do feel safe this time around.
ZAHN: Bill Hemmer, thanks so much.
We'll be checking in with you throughout the morning.
(NEWS ALERT)
ZAHN: We're going to travel to London now, where Prime Minister Tony Blair is in the fight of his political life as he faces members of his parliament today as they debate and vote over his decision to join the U.S. military action against Iraq without a second resolution, or what some are saying, 18th resolution.
Let's listen in.
TONY BLAIR, BRITISH PRIME MINISTER: Yes, of course, the liberal Democrats, unified as ever in opportunism and error. And the country and the parliament reflect each other. A debate that as time has gone on has become less bitter but no less grave.
So why does it matter so much? Because, Mr. Speaker, the outcome of this issue will now determine more than the fate of the Iraqi regime, more than the future of the Iraqi people, for so long brutalized by Saddam, important though those issues are.
It will determine the way Britain and the world confrontation the central security threat of the 21st century, the development of the United Nations, the relationship between Europe and the United States, the relations within the European Union and the way that the United States engages with the rest of the world.
So it could hardly be more important. It will determine the pattern of international politics for the next generation.
But first, Mr. Speaker, let us recap the history of Iraq and weapons of mass destruction.
In April, 9191, after the Gulf War, Iraq was given 15 days to provide a full and final declaration of all its weapons of mass destruction. Saddam had used the weapons against Iran, against his own people, causing thousands of deaths. He'd had plans to use them against allied forces. It became clear after the Gulf War that the WMD ambitions of Iraq were far more extensive than hitherto thought.
So the issue was identified by the United Nations at that time as one for urgent remedy. UNSCOM, the weapons inspection team, was set up, and they were expected to complete their task following the declaration at the end of April, 1991. The declaration, when it came, was false, a blanket denial of the program other than in a very tentative form. And so the 12 year game began.
The inspectors probed. Finally in March, 1992, Iraq admitted it had previously undeclared weapons of mass destruction but it said it had destroyed them. It gave another full and final declaration. Again, the inspectors probed. In October, 1994, Iraq then stopped cooperating with the weapons inspectors altogether. Military action was threatened. Inspections resumed.
In March, 1996, in an effort to rid Iraq of the inspectors, a further full and final declaration of WMD was made. By July, 1996, however, Iraq was force to admit that this declaration also was false.
In August, they provided yet another full and final declaration. Then a week later, Saddam's son-in-law, Hussein Kamil, defected to Jordan. He disclosed a far more extensive biological weapons program and for the first time said Iraq had weaponized the program, something Saddam had always strenuously denied.
All this had been happening whilst the inspectors were in Iraq. Kamil also revealed Iraq's crash program to produce a nuclear weapon in the 1990s. Iraq was forced then to release documents which showed just how extensive those programs were. In November, 1996, Jordan intercepted prohibits components from missiles that could be used for weapons of mass destruction. Then, a further full and final declaration was made. This, too, turned out to be false.
In June, 1997, inspectors were barred from specific sites. In September, 1997, lo and behold, another full and final declaration was made, also false.
Meanwhile, the inspectors discovered V.X. nerve agent production equipment, something always denied by the Iraqis. In October, 1997, the U.S. and the U.K. threatened military action if Iraq refused to comply with the inspectors. Finally under threat of action, in February 1998, Kofi Annan went to Baghdad, negotiated a memorandum with Saddam to allow inspections to continue. They did, for a few months. In August, cooperation was suspended.
In December, the inspectors left. Their final report is a withering indictment of Saddam's lies, deception and obstruction, with large quantities of WMD unaccounted for.
Then in December, 1998, the U.S. and the U.K. undertook Desert Fox, a targeted bombing campaign to degrade as much of the Iraqi WMD facility as we could.
In 1999, a new inspections team, UNMOVIC this time, was set up. Saddam refused to allow them even to enter Iraq.
ZAHN: You've been listening to the prime minister of Great Britain plowing through some prepared remarks in advance of what is expected to be a fierce open debate with members of his parliament. Now, the prime minister doesn't need parliamentary approval to take Britain into war, but he would face, or is expected to face, an open revolt in parliament, and some say that could be a major embarrassment. I think he gave us a preview of how he might confront some of the opposition when he started off by referring to the opposition as liberal Democrats this morning, unified, as ever, in his words, in opportunism and error.
This on the heels of a big setback yesterday. He lost a major cabinet minister. And this morning, two more Blair aides quit.
We plan to dip in and out of the debate once it gets under way. We just wanted to give you a flavor of how the prime minister is taking on some of his opponents today.
TO ORDER A VIDEO OF THIS TRANSCRIPT, PLEASE CALL 800-CNN-NEWS OR USE OUR SECURE ONLINE ORDER FORM LOCATED AT www.fdch.com
